Appendix A. Precis of Alternate Texts
Appendix A. PRECIS OF ALTERNATE TEXTS
In the following pages we provide information and précis for speeches Douglass delivered that we have not printed because they largely repeat material contained in other addresses that we have printed. The précis of these alternate texts follow the titles of the speeches in this volume to which they are most closely related. Précis of multiple alternate texts are presented in the chronological order in which Douglass delivered them. The précis describe how the alternate texts differ from the texts we chose for publication.
1. Chosen Text: THE ANTI-SLAVERY MOVEMENT. 19 MARCH 1855. ROCHESTER, NEW YORK. c. 14,200 words. Reprinted on pages 14—51.
SPEECH DELIVERED 26 JANUARY 1855, Broadway Tabernacle, New York, New York. Narrative, c. 1,705 words. New York Daily Times, 29 January 1855. Reprinted in Frederick Douglass' Paper, 2 February 1855. Affirms that the antislavery movement exerts a pervasive influence that affects leaders as diverse as Louis Kossuth, Theobald Mathew, and John Mitchel. Recalls that the modern antislavery movement began on the premise that slavery is a national evil requiring a national repentance. Declares that blacks suffer as slaves in both the South and the North; in the South they are slaves of individuals, and in the North they are slaves of society. Suggests that if the Constitution had fallen from heaven no one would have supposed that it sanctioned slavery. Emphasizes that the founders of the modern antislavery movement did not begin their crusade in order to dissolve the Union or subvert the Constitution; they sought, rather, to save both by proclaiming the truth. Avers that emancipation must come from heaven and from across the Atlantic, not from within the United States. Urges the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society to sponsor lectures in both the United States and Great Britain.
2. Chosen Text: SLAVERY AND THE LIMITS OF NONINTERVENTION. 7 DECEMBER 1859. HALIFAX, ENGLAND. c.4,420 words. Reprinted on pages 276—88.
a. SPEECH DELIVERED 30 NOVEMBER 1859, Halifax, England. Stenographic/narrative. c.930 words. Halifax Guardian, 3 December 1859. Expresses appreciation for being invited to address the meeting; considers the invitation to be an expression of interest in the antislavery movement, a cause in which he has worked for about twenty years. Desires the success of any measure that will advance the well-being of Great Britain. Observes that British influence has been exerted even in America on his behalf and on behalf of the Negro race. Feels indebted to British generosity for the legal freedom he has enjoyed for the last twelve years. Justifies escaping from slavery on the ground that he has a stronger
title to himself than did his master. Explains that while in Britain as a fugitive slave his master publicly threatened to reenslave him if he returned to the United States. Observes that the threat of capture, coupled with his need to return to his family in America, led some British friends to collect £150 sterling without his knowledge and pay it to his master, Thomas Auld, who in turn acknowledged the transaction with a bill of sale. Refers to his current status as a fugitive and rejoices that he could flee to such a haven as Britain. Praises Britain as the home of the oppressed of all countries. Responds to the proslavery argument that American slaves enjoy better living and working conditions than the working class of England by pointing to the humanitarian concern of the audience and to the various means being employed in Halifax to improve the lot of the poor. Announces his intention to deliver a lecture on slavery in Halifax within a few days.
b. SPEECH DELIVERED 13 DECEMBER 1859, Trinity Road Chapel, Halifax, England. Narrative, c. 4,155 words. Halifax Courier, 17 December 1859. Quotes Daniel O’Connell and Henry Ward Beecher on the idea of man as property. Presents current justifications for slavery: the Negro race is inferior; slavery is a divine arrangement; Negroes are needed for agricultural labor in warm climates. Suggests that Uncle Tom’s Cabin, The Key to Uncle Tom's C abin, and Dred have not precluded further exposure of the horrors of slavery. Refers to the killing of a slave named Denby [Bill Demby] by an overseer, who went unpunished despite the initial indignation of Col. Edward Lloyd, the slave’s owner. Sanctions the events at Harpers Ferry because the South is in a state of chronic violence against slaves: Douglass’s own master had brutally beaten an eighteen-year-old woman; members of slave families are callously separated; mulatto women are sexually exploited. Asserts that the slave power is influential because it fosters an identity of interests among all factions profiting from slavery directly or indirectly. Refers to $2 billion invested in slaves. Condemns the political activities of the slave power as designed to suppress all opposition to slavery in order to extend it over the whole continent. Refers to his 1844 lecture in Pittsfield, New Hampshire, for the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society; recalls being humiliated by an alleged abolitionist, while being treated kindly by the Democratic senator Moses Norris, Jr., who had participated in the mobbing of the Reverend George Storrs. Refers to his desire to refute the doctrine of Negro inferiority as a motive for the establishment of his newspaper, the North Star. Praises Wilberforce, Clarkson, Sharp, and Joseph Sturge for being good Christians. Laments that American abolitionists have to turn against the church to defend human rights. Urges the English people to supply aid for fugitive slaves, and states that he frequently accommodated fugitives.
c. SPEECH DELIVERED 19 DECEMBER 1859, Sheffield, England. Narrative, c. 1,650 words. Sheffield Argus, 24 December 1859. Refers to his previous visit to Sheffield. Rebukes slaveholders for calling slavery an “institution,” a euphemism
as applicable to robbery and piracy. Affirms that even slaveholders agree with John Wesley’s declaration that slavery is “the sum of all villanies.” Ridicules the demand that antislavery advocates construct a logical case against so self-evident an atrocity as slavery. Charges that many slaveholders subscribe to the cruel premise that working slaves to the limit of their endurance is more efficient than prolonging their lives with kindness and moderation. States that England could wield great moral influence against slavery in the United States by refusing to fellowship visiting American proslavery ministers. Regrets that the American colonies embraced the concept of liberty but retained the English system of slavery; almost wishes that, since slavery has been abolished in all the British dominions, the states had remained the colonies of England. Affirms that the American antislavery movement has made significant progress in the last thirteen years; influential ministers in the North have begun preaching antislavery principles, and black children are now welcome in public schools. Claims that those in England who question John Brown’s attempt to emancipate slaves forcibly would regard him as a hero if he had succeeded. Eulogizes Brown as a brave and true man whose memory should not be tarnished by British criticism. Asserts that he and Brown had come to know each other well; only eighteen months ago, in fact, Brown spent seven weeks as a guest in his house. Describes Brown as peaceful, pious, generous, and a willing martyr in the cause of the slave. Submits that Brown entered the South not to shed blood but to free slaves. Maintains that Brown sought to capture arms for the purpose only of self-defense. Considers the execution of Brown to be a sign of the desperate moral condition of the United States. Praises Sheffield for its soundness on the subject of slavery.
d. SPEECH DELIVERED 10 FEBRUARY 1860, Montrose, Scotland. Narrative, c. 1,170 words. Montrose, Arbroath and Breckin Review, 17 February 1860. Expresses satisfaction in seeing so many Montrose citizens attending a lecture on slavery. Affirms that the British people do not need to hear the slavery question argued; their children, and even their dogs, understand the fundamental principle that every person possesses exclusive right to his own body. Dramatizes the origins of the conflict over slavery in America by attaching symbolic significance to transatlantic voyages of 1619—20: the Mayflower crossed the Atlantic with liberty-loving passengers who supported the concept of freedom in the New World, and a Dutch vessel landed on the banks of the James River in Virginia with a cargo of twenty slaves imported by men too indolent to work and too proud to beg. Contrasts slavery’s weak grip in the early years of the United States with the powerful grasp that it has gradually developed. Declares that the slave power has sought to control everything it touches, including the Democratic party. Emphasizes the growth of antislavery sentiment in America by noting a steady increase in the influence of antislavery political parties between 1844 and 1856. Rejects the image of the Negro projected by minstrels who appear in Great Britain. Admits that slavery seems strong, but prophesies that like many other evil influences it will continue to flourish up to the time of its sudden and final debacle.
3. Chosen Text: THE TRIALS AND TRIUMPHS OF SELF-MADE MEN. 4 JANUARY 1860. HALIFAX, ENGLAND. c. 4,565 words. Reprinted on pages 289—300.
UNDATED MANUSCRIPT, c. 1859. c. 7,100 words. Speech File, reel 18, frames 529—39, FD Papers, DLC. Substitutes Elisha Kent Kane for John Franklin. Quotes Shakespeare for a definition of self-made men. Elaborates on his theory of self-made men, and emphasizes industry over other explanations for their success. Offers an anecdote about the son of a southern planter and his absurd conception of industry. Points out that industry is a gradual process. Differentiates between natural and practical equality; elaborately criticizes industry in its wasteful aspects by using the analogy ofa steamship’s paddle beating the air. Denounces the leisure classes. Asserts that the self-made man gains total satisfaction and real pleasure from his work. Comments on the mind’s capacity for education, and likens it to a well-kept machine. Quotes Matthew 13: 10. Refers to Edinburgh in connection with Hugh Miller. Erroneously describes Benjamin Banneker as a slave. Quotes extensively from an unidentified poem by Robert Nichol about the insignificance oflineage in the United States. Praises the democratic principles ofthe Declaration of Independence as a blow at George III and at the aristocratic ambitions of certain Americans. Denounces slavery as anti—republican and as opposed to those principles. Commends the ever-changing nature ofAmerican institutions as a realization of the principle of equal opportunity. States that, in the United States, self-made men are constantly questioned by the public. Describes the passport system used in monarchical and despotic countries as alien to the American spirit. Mentions Americans‘ respect for institutions such as Harvard, Yale, and Cooper Union. Criticizes self-made men for lacking refinement. Emphasizes that there are many noble causes in America, and implores his audience to lend their active support to abolitionism. Attacks religion and the American churches.
4. Chosen Text: JOHN BROWN AND THE SLAVEHOLDERS’ INSURRECTION. 30 JANUARY 1860. EDINBURGH, SCOTLAND. c. 3,420 words. Reprinted on pages 312—22.
a. SPEECH DELIVERED 22 DECEMBER 1859. Music Hall, Leeds, England. Narrative, c. 2,055 words. Leeds Mercury, 24 December 1859. Reprinted in British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Reporter, ser. 3, 8 : 15—17 (2 January 1860). Declares that America’s greatness has been achieved despite the shame and burden of slavery. Warns of the visit of an American proslavery clergyman, Dr. Swan Lyman Pomroy, to Leeds. Pays tribute to the enlightened attitude of the British toward American Negroes. Disputes a recent assertion in the Leeds Mercury that John Brown was a criminal; contends that Brown’s crime was merely of form, not substance, like that of boarding a pirate ship by force to free the captives. Commends William H. Seward, the antislavery presidential candidate, for espousing a
higher law than that which permits slavery. Compares John Brown’s moral heroism to that of Moses, George Washington, and Louis Kossuth. Admonishes abolitionists not to permit their esteem for Brown to be lessened by the apparent failure of his struggle against tyranny. Demonstrates the growth of antislavery sentiment in the United States by noting that two antislavery journals are being published in Washington. Replies to questions from Mr. W. Firth of Farnley about the value of slaves in the United States and the involvement of American Wesleyans in the slave trade. Dismisses the suggested likelihood ofthe dissolution of the Union; the South is not powerful enough to effect it, and the North, including abolitionists, does not wish it. Affirms that the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution are antislavery; all that is needed to abolish slavery, therefore, is a faithful application of constitutional principles.
b. SPEECH DELIVERED 26 JANUARY I860, Abbey Close United Presbyterian Church, Paisley, Scotland. Stenographic/narrative. c. 2,600 words. Paisley Herald and Renfrewshire Advertiser, 28 January 1860. Recalls warmly his visit to Paisley fourteen years earlier. Notes that this is the second time he has visited Scotland as a fugitive. Reminds the audience that he fled the United States to avoid being prosecuted on the charge of complicity in John Brown’s raid. Declares that since antislavery ethical principles are self-evident, abolitionist speakers should seek to generate fire rather than light. Asserts that racial prejudice lies at the center of the proslavery argument. Reasons that if, as its apologists insist, slavery is of divine origin, it must possess the attributes of God; but slavery is not characterized by God’s goodness and therefore cannot have originated with Him. Disputes the claim that slaves in America are contented; affirms that only brutal force keeps them in bondage. Submits that British travelers should not expect slaveholders to expose the cruelty of the system to them. Observes that while some planters motivate their slaves without using the lash, they resort to manipulation of slaves’ emotions and threats to sell them to less benign masters. Urges his listeners not to countenance American clergymen who, like the currently touring Dr. Pomroy, come to Scotland as defenders of slavery. Cites biblical passages condemning slavery that southern preachers ignore. Eulogizes John Brown as a patriot who would be ranked with George Washington if his invasion of Harpers Ferry had succeeded. Contrasts the £150 which his British friends paid for his freedom with the $50,000 reward that Governor Wise of Virginia is offering for his capture.
c. SPEECH DELIVERED 31 JANUARY 1860, City Hall, Glasgow, Scotland. Narrative, c. 2,030 words. Glasgow Daily Bulletin, 1 February 1860. Commends Scotland for its well-known commitment to the principles of liberty. Agrees with remarks by earlier speakers on Britain as a haven for the oppressed. Affirms that erroneous human laws cannot supersede the truth of God. Quotes Daniel O’Connell, John Wesley, and Lord Brougham on the horrors of slavery. Condemns slaveholders for treating slaves cruelly behind a facade of benevolence. Observes
from personal experience that the more kindly slaves are treated, the more discontented they become; aware of this principle, masters inevitably brutalize their slaves or threaten to sell them to masters who would. Denies that slavery is a divine institution. States that travelers to the South do not see the evils of slavery for an obvious reason: slaveholders are not foolish enough to torture their slaves before strangers. Asserts that while occupying Harpers Ferry, John Brown armed between two hundred and three hundred slaves. Claims that John Brown’s intention was not to shed blood or destroy property, as the insurrectionists in India had done, but to encourage the slaves of Maryland and Virginia to escape along the Allegheny Mountains to freedom in Canada under British protection. Assures that although his own implication in the John Brown affair has caused him to be regarded as a man of blood, his pacific principles are derived from the Bible. Declares that two hundred and thirty years of nonresistance by slaves have given the slaveholders a strong argument for the continuance of slavery. Castigates submissiveness in the face of evil, when it conceals cowardice. Hails the end of slavery, although he is unsure whether it will be through peaceful or warlike means. Argues that John Brown would have been more successful if he had been able to hold out longer. Declares that neither the railroad nor the telegraph could have conveyed such a strong idea for escape to the slaves as did the action of Brown. Suggests that another leader like Toussaint L’Ouverture may emerge to lead the fight for freedom. States that the North and the most influential and intellectual members of the community are now abolitionists.
5. Chosen Text: PROGRESS AND DIVISIONS OF ANTI-SLAVERY. 14 FEBRUARY 1860. GLASGOW, SCOTLAND. c. 3,280 words. Reprinted on pages 323—33.
a. SPEECH DELIVERED 12 JANUARY 1860, Corn Exchange, Wakefield, England. Narrative, c. 3,300 words. Frederick Douglass' Paper, 17 February 1860. Reprinted in Foner, Life and Writings, 5: 460—66, misdated 15 January 1860. Recalls speaking in Wakefield thirteen years ago. Encourages the forming of an antislavery society in Wakefield, which is the purpose of this meeting. Compliments the English people for emancipation in the British West Indies. Affirms humorously that American ministers try to shift the blame for slavery from man to God. Points out that slaveholders are forced to listen to black sentiment supported by white authority. Claims that no English visitor to an American plantation would be allowed to observe the suffering of slaves. Refers repeatedly to Sarah Parker Remond, who had previously addressed the meeting. Differentiates among factions of the American antislavery movement and argues that only one group, that favoring political action, possesses an adequate defining principle: holding the Constitution to be antislavery, it urges the use of every available means to combat slavery. Mentions Martin Van Buren in the context of the 1848 presidential
election. Predicts success for Senator Seward in the presidential election of 1860 and welcomes Seward’s anticipated victory even though he is not a full-fledged abolitionist. Asserts that Christianity permits slaves physically to resist their masters; prefers the Christianity of [George] Harris to that of Uncle Tom. Eulogizes John Brown as a hero possessing sterling character traits. Stresses his acquaintance with Brown, who spent seven weeks at his house. Defines slavery as an insurrection against human rights. Refers to his being the keeper of an Underground Railroad station in Rochester, New York.
b. SPEECH DELIVERED 28 FEBRUARY 1860, New Church, Halifax, England. Narrative, c. 1,325 words. Halifax Courier, 3 March 1860. Reprinted in Frederick Douglass' Paper, 6 April 1860. Apologizes for his voice, which is fatigued from six weeks of constant speaking. Accuses the United States of violating in practice the principles of Christianity and liberty that it publicly avows. Chastises the American press and pulpit for failing to educate the national conscience. Commends England for being more morally sensitive than the United States. Submits that the most efficient way for England to affect slavery in the United States is to appeal to the religious convictions of the American people. Contends that Ameri can rcligious groups view slavery as a divine institution; takes special note of Baptists and Methodist Episcopalians. Stresses the extent to which the roots of slavery have sunk into American politics and religion; concludes that abolishing American slavery will prove more difficult than was the struggle for abolition in the British West Indies. Admits that British reformers such as Thomas Clarkson faced intense opposition, but observes that they had the advantage of opposing a system physically removed from their own country. Relates some details of the operation of the Underground Railroad. Promotes the antislavery bazaar, which will open tomorrow morning.
6. Chosen Text: PICTURES AND PROGRESS. 3 DECEMBER 1861. BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS. c. 7,425 words. Reprinted on pages 452—73.
a. SPEECH DELIVERED 15 NOVEMBER 1861, Syracuse, New York. Manuscript, c. 10,300 words. Speech File, reel 14, frames 394—412, FD Papers, DLC. Another draft in Speech File, reel 14, frames 375—93. Observes that pictures, like education, are now accessible to all. Mentions Raphael. Claims that historical pictures are superior to allegorical ones. Praises Charlotte Bronté’s Jane Eyre and Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin. Declares that the lecture-going public, unless it were to be content with short addresses, could not expect to hear many new things that had never been presented before. Suggests that audiences generally do not recognize an old speech delivered later under a new title. Criticizes popular lecturers for sacrificing clarity to eloquence. Calls attention to various classes of men who waste their lives through indecisiveness, hurry, boasting,
and idleness. To show how man is influenced by his vocation, he contrasts the sailor and the farmer, pointing out that the farmer’s nature is a barrier against fanaticism. Emphasizes that life is a school, which is exemplified by the lives of von Humboldt and Theodore Parker. Suggests that physical resemblance does not preclude profound differences between men’s mental and moral attitudes. Likens history to a thousand arrows united in aim, but divided in flight. Stresses the importance of the human imagination. Mentions his recent visit to England and expresses his amazement at how social barriers, owing partly to different regional accents, have been abolished there through education. Admits his attraction to old people and their wisdom, while comparing the qualities of youth and old age. Warns, however, that age is not always to be associated with wisdom, but quite frequently with wastefulness. Closes with two stanzas from an unidentified poem about life in general.
b. UNDATED MANUSCRIPT, c. 1865. c.6,850 words. Speech File, reel 18, frames 142—54, FD Papers, DLC. Observes that Americans are not known for moderation; cites the latest election and Lincoln as examples. Mentions Napoleon, England, and Brazil. Refers to four years of battle having passed. Believes that the war is about to end; cotton has turned out not to be king; the blockade had not been raised, and the Confederate states have not gained foreign recognition. Suggests that an army is more valuable to the South than slaves. Declares that his mission in life is to deliver abolitionist speeches, as Gough’s mission is to lecture on temperance. Mentions Sojourner Truth. Recounts how a friend of his, in New York City, trying not to remind him (Douglass) of his unpopular color, achieved the exact opposite. Refers to General William Tecumseh Sherman at Atlanta. Asserts that despite its utilitarianism, this age has an active passion for art. Refers to Burns. Suggests that man’s most interesting side is his imagination. Confesses that he has no theory of art or criticism to present, that he is a layman and most interested in the philosophy of art. Refutes the claim that Negroes know nothing about art. Recalls von Humboldt’s stories about African tribes who had coats painted on their bodies. Discusses Emerson’s comments on producers and poets. Likens John Brown to Johannes Hus. Remarks that to know civilized man, one has to study man as a savage. Describes the life of society as analogous to the life of an individual. Quotes one of Jesus’ parables from Matthew 13. Declares that the contrast of the ideal with the real makes criticism possible, and that criticism is the vehicle for progress. Stresses the symbolic nature of the national banner.
7. Chosen Text: THE PROCLAMATlON AND A NEGRO ARMY. 6 FEBRUARY 1863. NEW YORK, NEW YORK. c .8,575 words. Reprinted on pages 549—69.
SPEECH DELIVERED 19 JANUARY 1863, Metropolitan Hall, Chicago, lllinois. Narrative, c. 1,080 words. Chicago Tribune, 20 January 1863. Reprinted in Douglass'
Monthly. 5 : 793 (February 1863). Illustrates the power of truth with the case of William Lloyd Garrison: few listened when Garrison denounced slaveholders thirty years ago, but now many believe him. Rebukes certain newspapers for seeking tojustify their support for slavery by reminding Boston of its persecution of “witches.” Declares that error always fears truth and therefore arms itself with the instruments of force. Asserts that the Emancipation Proclamation strikes at the root of slavery by giving slaves the legal right to liberty; instead of resisting slavery as insurrectionists, they can now rise up in obedience to law. Expresses pride that the first man to threaten slavery with military power is an lllinoisan. Thanks both Lincoln and Jefferson Davis for their respective contributions to the destruction of slavery. Points to the proposal before Congress to raise 150,000 black troops as a source of hope that the war will be won as quickly and decisively possible. Assures that slaves will fight and work if by so doing they can gain freedom and an honest livelihood.
8. Chosen Text: BLACK SOLDIERS, WHITE OFFICERS. 28, 29 MAY 1863. BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS. c. 880 words. Reprinted on pages 584—89.
SPEECH DELIVERED 30 APRIL 1863, Shiloh Presbyterian Church, New York, New York. Narrative. c. 570 words. Liberator, 29 May 1863. Reprinted in Douglass' Monthly, 6 : 838—39 (June 1863). Calls for a discussion of the reluctance of blacks to enlist in the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts Infantry under the terms stipulated by the state. Charges that blacks have several legitimate grievances: the invitation to enlist was late and hesitant; no steps have been taken to protect black soldiers from the reprisals threatened by Jefferson Davis; blacks are ineligible for commissions; and the government refuses to encourage blacks to enlist. Contrasts General Andrew Jackson’s open willingness to allow blacks to help defend the country against foreign foes with secretive recruiting by a general who has spent several months organizing a black regiment in New York. Affirms that despite the shortcomings of its approach, Massachusetts should be recognized for leading the way in the mobilizing of black troops. Submits that, all things considered, blacks should enlist in the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts Infantry. Points out that the Confederacy seeks to enslave all American blacks while the Union liberated three thousand slaves in the District of Columbia. Suggests that Jefferson Davis, Fernando Wood, and “Ben” would delight in noting the reluctance of blacks to enlist. Urges influential people to extend sympathy and encouragement to blacks who wish to enter military service.
9. Chosen Text: NEGROES AND THE NATIONAL WAR EFFORT. 6 JULY 1863. PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA. c. 2,570 words. Reprinted on pages 590—98
a. SPEECH DELIVERED 18 MARCH I863, Bethel Church, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Stenographic, c. 1,380 words. Pennsylvania Inquirer and National Gazette, 19 March I863. Reprinted in Douglass' Monthly, 5 : 828 (April 1863). Affirms that the times demand a discussion. not of the evils of slavery, but of the response that blacks should make to the war. Declares that blacks should feel intense indignation at the effort of the Confederacy to perpetuate slavery and should eagerly help to thwart it. Admits that at the beginning of the war Lincoln treated the South cautiously, expressing willingness to leave slavery intact and instructing Union generals to return fugitive slaves. Submits that times have changed, although the change is due more to the tenacity ofJefferson Davis than to the virtue of the North. Exemplifies the changed situation, citing the removal of proslavery generals from the army, the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation, and the universal conviction that the abolition of slavery must be an aim of the war effort. Avers that blacks and whites will succeed or fail together. Announces that Massachusetts is inviting colored men to help win the war. Asserts that the Copperheads fear the arming ofblacks. Notes that in New York he has enlisted nearly a full company for the first regiment ofMassachusetts colored volunteers. Envisions the pride that will be inspired by watching that colored regiment march down Broadway to the tune of “John Brown’s Body.” Warns that the effort to enlist troops must succeed in order for other states to begin similar projects. Ridicules the hypocrisy of those who deride the Negro’s abilities as a fighter and a worker. Argues that blacks are not respected because whites perceive them as patient and peaceful but not as brave. Urges the audience to help change the public image of blacks by joining Massachusetts in the struggle against Jeff Davis. Asks men who will enlist to call out their names. Leads the audience in singing “John Brown’s Body,” during which four men orally volunteer. Implores others to volunteer, but only one more name is handed in.
b. SPEECH DELIVERED 27 APRIL 1863, Shiloh Presbyterian Church, New York, New York. Narrative, c. 465 words. Liberator, 22 May 1863. Reprinted in Douglass’ Monthly, 6 : 839 (June 1863). Declares that the time for blacks to write resolutions has passed, and the time for engaging the enemy in battle has arrived. States that eight hundred colored volunteers are already being trained at Camp Meigs, Readville, Massachusetts. Asserts that the rebellion will not be put down unless black brigades are given a chance to strike the fatal blows. Observes that Massachusetts has authority to recruit black regiments, brigades, or even divisions. Assures that black troops are to be accorded equal treatment with white soldiers. Contrasts the conditions under which Poles, Hungarians, and other Europeans
peoples struggled for freedom with those currently facing northern blacks. Presents reasons for black men to enlist: (l) the Copperheads detest the thought of colored men in uniform; (2) enlisting would help remove the stigma of cowardice; (3) they could help preserve the United States as a refuge for the oppressed of all nations; (4) they could retaliate against the slaveholders for centuries of maltreatment. Notes that blacks, who before have never been allowed to resist white oppressors, have been granted authority to kill Southem rebels. Comments sarcastically on blacks who do not want to fight. Disagrees with Harriet Beecher Stowe’s characterization of the Negro as quiet and pacific. Affirms that since the cause of the slave has become the cause of the country, blacks can serve both their country and their race by enlisting. Urges black men to realize that they are safest in the army. Warns that if they fail to enlist, violent incidents like those that have occurred in Brooklyn, Detroit, and other cities will be repeated. Anticipates the pride and glory of black men when the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts Regiment marches down Broadway.