U.B.V. to Frederick Douglass, 26 March 1855
Mr. Editor: From the hour of the first
enslavement of the African captives, and
their forcible introduction into the "New
World," to the present time, the idea of
their inferiority has been insidiously urged
by those who felt it to be to their interest
to keep them in a servile condition; and, as
if to hide their guilt, they attempt to justify
themselves, by resorting to the meanest and
contemptible subterfuge of denying their
bondman's claims to equal brotherhood in
the human family, and exultingly point to the
lowly condition and mental inferiority of
their slaves, and the nominally free in the
Northern States, as evidence of their asser-
tion. Though often baffled in their fiendish
efforts, by the force of Truth and Reason,
still they battle with indomitable persever-
ance. They have long since discovered that
interest is the director of American sensi-
bilities, giving them force and directness to
the end desired. They let no opportunity
pass when it can be reached; and through
its selfish agency, they have, in a measure,
ingrafted this murderous idea upon the re-
ligion and politics of the nation, until its ac-
knowledgment has become the test of patri-
otism; and we have, thereby, presented to
the world the extraordinary phenomenon in
civilization, of some of the best educated
minds in the land supporting, directly or in-
directly, a monstrous evil and glaring error.
Thus have the masses become indoctrinated
with a false idea of true justice, the influ-
ence of which is robbing the body politic of
its vitality, like the parasite-fungus, that en-
twines its exhausting and poisonous tendrils
around its forest prey, until its sunken trunk
falls crumbling to the earth.
Counteraction has become necessary to
free the minds of the people from the ef-
fects and influence of their spiritual, poli-
tical and scholastic education, and to endea-
vor to turn their minds in that direction, from
which they can view and place the true es-
timate upon man as man, and not as a bond-
man. Believing, as I do, that in the minds
of the people, we are linked together as one
class and race, I am forced to the conclusion,
that, in consequence of the advancement of
our forefathers, slavery is the cause of Am-
erican prejudice, and that it "is the pivot"
upon which the feeling it has engendered
turns, and that the force of it is felt, more
or less, in proportion to the distance that we
are removed from the centre of its influence.
But "W. W." says, "If any man believes
that prejudice is heaped upon him because
his father was enslaved, then there is but
little hope for the generation which suc-
ceeds him." I am at a loss to see how we
can lose anything by admitting what I con-
sider a self evident fact, particularly when
it is not left to us to establish it, by our ad-
mission or belief—or in what way we can
put back the day for the correction of the
evil. It is a well-known fact, that prejudice
does not manifest itself against us, as it does
because we are "colored" alone—for all fare
alike. Though a man may be as fair as the
fairest Caucasian, if the admixture of blood
is made known, he, at once, falls to the posi-
tion of that assigned to the darkest Ethio-
pian. If this be true, then I hold that there
must be some other cause than the one as-
signed by "W. W."—"color"—and that it is
the contaminating influence of Slavery.—
This is the first cause, and what we com-
plain of—its effects. To meet it with any
hope of success, we must not waste our
strength in a Quixotic fight, battling against
imaginary causes.
I believe it will be admitted on all sides,
when anything occurs of an injurious ten-
dency, and we desire its correction, the
first thing necessary to be done, is to en-
deavor to discover the cause, that the cor-
rections may be applied. Imaginary issues,
such as W. W. advances, lead us off from
the true one; and this is what our oppo-
nents desire, which would secure to them the
quiet possession of their peculiar "proper-
ty." "The African was destined, by his
Creator, to be the hewer of wood and drawer
of water." This declaration would fix upon
us from the beginning, the mark of infer-
iority, denying our equal manhood; and I
would vindicate it upon the high and noble
ground received from, and recognized by the
Great Godhead—that we are men. What
ground is there that we can stand on strong-
er than this? We can make it the stand-
point of defence and attack, and bid defiance
to our calumniators and assailants—for God
and Truth are on our side.
But, to meet W. W.'s views, we must back
down, for he says, "If any man believes that
he is too degraded to possess the elective fran-
chise, I cheerfully accord to him the right of
his being his own representative." Whilst
I must accord to him the credit of being lib-
eral to the extent of representation; yet I
think the inference he draws is somewhat
narrow and contracted. I cannot see where-
in we own ourselves to be degraded, by ac-
knowledging the association which Nature
has established between the free and the
slave population, or why it should be the
cause of our enfranchisement. The degra-
dation produced by the institution of sla-
very upon the enslaved, I admit, reflects in-
juriously upon the nominally free for the
time being; but as we rise (and rise we
shall) by the force and weight of our character
and abilities to the standard and re-
quirements of other men, then will we be
able, with additional force, to claim our own
and their rights. It is by these means I
hope and expect we shall be able to overcome
prejudice. But if prejudice is instinctive,
and rises, as it is asserted by W. W , because
we are different from them in "features, race
and complexion," I would ask him, through
what freak of nature (for such it must be,
as I cannot see how it could be produced by
natural causes) does he expect the cause of
the dislike against us to be removed? and
how many generations must pass away before
their descendents shall be in a more
presentable and acceptable condition that
will not offend the sensitive "instincts" of
the dominant party?
If I were willing to stop here, I would accept
this his own proposition, as being cause
sufficient to justify any prejudice that
might arise against us—for as long as we
retained any of those physical evidences
alluded to, we should expect to feel the "in-
stinctive dislike and hate" of those whose
feelings were thus based against us, and
they would have some reason for saying
"that we are of an inferior race," conse-
quently unfit for social or political equality.
But I am unwilling to admit for a moment
that such is the case; that these differences
have the power to produce any such feeling
upon society—for we have abundant proof
that talent, moral worth and wealth, have,
and do claim for those possessing either, a
high place in the esteem and admiration of
the community where they are known.—
As for instance—a black man once came to
Philadelphia, and attended church. He
went into a good pew, (by invitation,) and
the next neighbor asked the man who owned
it, why he put a nigger into his pew?
"Why, sir, he's a Haytien."
"Can't help that; he's black!"
"Why, sir, he's a correspondent of mine."
"Can't help that; he's black!"
"He's worth a million of dollars."
"Introduce me."
Dollars made the way clear to the inter-
est-seeking heart of the objector; and the
black and white hand were clasped together,
in the hearty grip, upon the terms of equ-
ality. This instance is only one of the
many of a like character, that might be giv-
en if I thout it necessary, which proves
that position, when discovered, will elevate
the possessor to a higher place in the esti-
mation of those who "W. W." says hate us
on account of our color. Can he explain
how it is that Frederick Douglass, Dr. Jas.
McCune Smith, and many others, have risen
far above this feeling, and receive the will-
ing respect and admiration from them, not
from the few, but wherever they are known?
The position assumed by W. W. seems to
me to be that of an apologist for American
prejudice, (yet I am satisfied that it is far
from his intention for it to be such,)—for he
says it is the instinctive offspring of igno-
rance. If this was true, our oppressors
would be able to put forth this plea in jus-
tification of their acts toward us, when ar-
raigned before the world's tribunal—Public
Opinion. But they dare not—for its hypoc-
risy would be too transparent. But, to con-
sider the view offered, two things must be
done ere we can look for a more favorable
chance in our behalf:—the enlightenment of
the dominant class—and that we, the "hated"
and "debased," are to be the instruments
to effect it.
Whilst I feel that we have learned in the
severest school the philosophy of endurance,
until it seems to have become a part of our
very nature, consequently ever hopeful, wait-
ing for the long-promised "good time
coming;" yet, if we are to wait until "the
powers that be" are educated out of their
prejudice, and that we are to be the levers
for their elevation, I think we could sooner
level the "Alps on Alps that rise," referred
to by W. W., before we can direct the
"white man's mind"—for he says it is "that
which is to be changed, and not the black
man's condition"-—or, in other words, the
"black man must change his skin, so as not
to offend his idea of manly beauty."
We come now to the last turn of W. W,
on his ideal "pivot." "In this country
complexion forms the measure of rights, the
standard of manhood, and the character of
citizenship." As with the others, I ques-
tion the correctness of this statement, for
the simple reason that the test of American
citizenship goes far beyond that of color.
They mean that there must not be any
mixture of African blood in those who are
to be recognized as citizens, and to be en-
titled to the protection of its laws. Have
we not abundant evidence around us to
prove that every outward trace of African
lineage was removed? Still it does not ad-
vance him either politically or socially—
for the prejudice is somewhat more than
skin deep; it manifests itself the instant
that the white man finds that his complex-
ional brother, whom he treated a few mo-
ments before as a man and an equal, is con-
nected with that class who are held in
bondage, he falls in his estimation, and in
that of the laws. Does not this prove that
they estimated us by some other standard
than the one assigned, "because we differ
in features, race and complexion?"
I think that the evidence is sufficiently
clear to justify the assertion, that the pre-
judice from which we suffer had its origin
in the enslavement of the African, and thro'
our blood relationship, (the free,) we are
linked together as one race; and all of the
vices and dullness of intellect, produced by
the deadening effects of slavery, are be-
stowed upon us as our natural inheritance.
And this is advanced as reason sufficient
for refusing to extend to us equal political
privileges in the free States, with one or
two exceptions; consequently, in the body
politic, we are regarded as nonentities.—
Here is the cause of our proscription; and
it becomes our duty to lay bare the root of
this tree of evil, which is now overshad-
owing us, preventing the full development
of our manhood.
In conclusion, I would say to those who
have the power, to extend to us free political
action, leaving to each his own future con-
dition to care for; and I am fully convinced
of the uprising of our people from the ruins
of their fettered natures, which the incom-
plete laws of our land have so long bound
and, like the unquenched fires of na-
ture, bursting up spontaneously thro' the
mountain weights that essay to keep them
under, shall rise unshackled above the as-
sociated low condition assigned them, and
verify the motto, "EXCELSIOR!"
U. B V.
POINT BREEZE, March 26th, 1855.