Appendix A. Précis of Alternate Texts
Appendix A. PRÉCIS OF ALTERNATE TEXTS
l. Chosen Text: THE MISSION OF THE WAR. 13 JANUARY 1864. NEW
YORK, NEW YORK. c.8,210 words. Reprinted on pages 3-24.
SPEECH DELIVERED 10 DECEMBER 1863, Concert Hall, Philadelphia, Pennsylva-
nia. Manuscript, c.9,000 words. Speech File, reel 14, frames 434-46, FD Papers,
DLC. States that the Democratic party favored war with England at the beginning
of the Civil War as a way of protecting slavery. Urges the government of the United
States to oppose all schemes for colonizing blacks in Africa or elsewhere. Submits
that both as soldiers and as laborers, blacks should receive equal pay and equal
opportunity to improve their lot. Warns that a slight change in the balance of power
between the Democratic and Republican parties could result in the use of military
power to thwart the higher aims of the war. Mentions Horatio Seymour as the
leading public figure in the Democratic party. Affirms that the rebels exploited
racial prejudice to stimulate the draft riots in New York City in the summer of 1863
while General Robert E. Lee was overrunning Pennsylvania and threatening Phila-
delphia. Cites as an example of northern prejudice the paying of black soldiers
only one-half the wages received by their white counterparts. Charges that Yankee
officers degraded black officers in New Orleans by refusing to salute them accord-
ing to their rank. Cautions the North to realize that to win the game it is playing
with the South it must play its “black card.”
2. Chosen Text: THE ASSASSINATlON AND ITS LESSONS. 13 FEBRUARY
1866. WASHINGTON, D.C. c.2,400 words. Reprinted on pages 106-18.
a. SPEECH DELIVERED 1 JUNE 1865, Cooper Institute, New York, New York.
Manuscript, c.8,000 words. Speech File, reel 19, frames 429-41, FD Papers,
DLC. Charges that blacks have been prevented from publicly exhibiting their
sorrow at Abraham Lincoln’s death; cites an attempt to exclude blacks from
Lincoln’s funeral procession in New York City. Offers reasons for the profound
trust that blacks placed in Lincoln. Commends Lincoln’s administration for offi-
cially recognizing Haiti and Liberia. Regards Lincoln’s death as the beginning of a
new era of stability that will be characterized by social justice, a new conscious-
ness of national honor and strength, and increased international influence. Consid-
ers Andrew Johnson to be effectively controlling the government; predicts that
traitors will be punished, loyal men protected, and black men enfranchised. Be-
lieves that the triumph of the Union has inspired a worldwide hope for the estab-
lishment of free institutions; refers specifically to Mexico. Argues that the war was
the inevitable outgrowth of the planting of slavery in American soil. Declares that
all great nations periodically experience upheavals that are brought on by reaction
to legalized injustice; points to the Revolution as a prime example in earlier
American history. Suggests that the events of the last four years have placed
slaveholders in accurate perspective; future generations will remember such bar-
barity as the brutality at Andersonville and the murder of Lincoln. Maintains that
efforts by northern papers to absolve the South of responsibility for the assassina-
tion are unpersuasive because the shooting of Lincoln is consistent with the
South’s record of savagery, which includes the massacre at Fort Pillow, Tennessee.
Claims that southerners planned to assassinate Lincoln in Baltimore prior to his
first inauguration and were thwarted only by a change in Lincoln’s itinerary.
Observes that Booth is no guiltier than the leaders of the Confederacy. Regards
Booth’s ten-day odyssey and death as sufficient punishment. Recounts in some
detail the circumstances of the assassination. Emphasizes the smooth transition
from Lincoln’s administration to that of Johnson. Explains that the public’s adora-
tion of Lincoln is the result of his image as the quintessential American. Describes
Lincoln as plain, strong, earnest, dignified, and amiable. Praises Lincoln for
having conversed with him without condescension and for having outgrown his
approval of colonization. Recalls a meeting with Lincoln in which they conversed
for an hour while the president kept Governor William Buckingham of Connecti-
cut waiting in an adjoining room.
b. SPEECH DELIVERED 24 OCTOBER 1865, Parker Fraternity Lecture, Music Hall,
Boston, Massachusetts. Stenographic, c.2,400 words. Boston Commonwealth,
28 October 1865. Declares that any vote in favor of racial discrimination insults the
memory of Abraham Lincoln and reopens his wounds. Eulogizes Lincoln for
being the first president to invite a black man to the White House. Recalls a time
when Lincoln refused to shorten a conversation with him to accommodate Gover-
nor William Buckingham of Connecticut. Avers that the antebellum Union was
too weak to denounce the suppression of the Hungarian revolution. Exults in the
triumph of the North, which it achieved despite the pessimism of other govern-
ments, treason, and assassination. Observes that the renewed confidence of the
United States is influencing the peoples of despotic nations, including Mexico.
Argues that Americans must learn from the war and the assassination that incorpo-
rating injustice into law inexorably leads to tragic consequences. Explains that
men such as John C. Calhoun and John Wilkes Booth were products, not primary
causes, of the nation’s plight. Suggests that the drama of the struggle between
freedom and slavery would have been incomplete without a termination like the
assassination; when men think of slavery hereafter, they will think of murder and
treachery. Enumerates instances of barbarous behavior on the part of the South,
including threats made against Lincoln before he went to Washington and atroci-
ties at Andersonville. Regards Andrew Johnson’s kindness toward the South as
predictable for a southerner. Assails Henry Ward Beecher for matching Johnson's
willingness to forgive unrepentant rebels. Refers to Governor Benjamin F. Perry
of South Carolina, who, like other southern leaders, is sorry not for his crime but
for the fact that it did not succeed. Decries the restoration of property and political
standing to southern murderers and traitors. Fears that the northern cause is on the
verge of being lost through either imbecility or the treachery of President Johnson.
Contrasts Jefferson Davis, who played the role of traitor openly, with Johnson,
who moved from apparent opposition to southern villainy as vice president to
collaboration with the rebels as president. Predicts that Davis will soon be given a
pardon.
3. Chosen Text: SOURCES OF DANGER TO THE REPUBLIC, 7 FEBRUARY
1867. ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI. c.9,980 words. Reprinted on pages 149-72.
a. SPEECH DELIVERED 12 JANUARY 1867, Mozart Hall, Cincinnati, Ohio. Steno-
graphic/narrative, c.4,000 words. Cincinnati Daily Gazette, 14 January 1867.
Afiirms that despite Lincoln’s greatness he abolished slavery out of military neces-
sity rather than principle. Predicts that any gains made by black people in Recon-
struction will be due more to the villainy of the South than to the North’s sense of
justice; claims to be glad that the South has resisted the Fourteenth Amendment
and that it is not a safe place for either northern men or northern capital. Argues
that consent by the Senate is not an adequate safeguard against abuse of the
president’s appointing power because the president may make appointments when
the Senate is not in session. Criticizes the provision for a second presidential term
on the ground that it allows the president to break with the party that elected him.
Denounces secret diplomacy because it permits the president to lead the country to
the brink of war without the assent of Congress. Maintains that any reconstruction
of the government that fails to enfranchise blacks in the South will be disastrous to
the future of the nation. Submits three reasons southern blacks should be granted
the right to vote: (1) they deserve to be enfranchised by virtue of their courageous
support of the Union army; (2) the North may again need southern blacks; and (3)
Negro enfranchisement would prevent the South from finding opportunity to
renew its rebellion.
b. SPEECH DELIVERED 23 MARCH 1867, First Methodist Episcopal Church, Chi-
cago, Illinois. Stenographic/narrative, c.3,300 words. Chicago Tribune, 25
March 1867. Submits that it would be no less appropriate for the Lord’s Prayer to
petition daily bread for white men only than for the Constitution to restrict its
protection to whites. Suggests that the failure of William H. Seward to win the
presidency may be attributed to the Wigwam, the site in Chicago of the 1860
Republican National Convention. Deplores the racial restrictions in the constitu-
tion of Illinois. Counsels taking the appointing power away from the president.
Believes that the Supreme Court would check congressional arbitrariness more
equitably than does the president with his power of veto. Asserts that although
Millard Fillmore was elected vice president as an abolitionist, he served the slave
power after becoming president. Observes that prior to assuming the presidency
Andrew Johnson seemed to take a stronger antislavery position than Lincoln.
Suggests that one of the mysteries surrounding Lincoln’s assassination is the
intimacy of Johnson with John Wilkes Booth and others. Wonders whether the
United States would prosper with no president at all; mentions the emancipation,
which in ten years will be perceived even by the South as a blessing. Rebukes
Illinois and Ohio for retaining laws that discriminate against black people and run
counter to the spirit of the age.
c. SPEECH DELIVERED 23 OCTOBER 1867, Central Methodist Episcopal Church,
Newark, New Jersey. Stenographic/narrative, c.2,400 words. National Anti-
Slavery Standard, 9 November 1867. Affirms that the United States has lost
international standing in recent years; as late as 1848, when Europe was con-
vulsed by revolution, the United States was comparatively quiet and strong. De-
cries the failure of the federal government to punish the men who shot down
blacks in New Orleans; reproaches President Andrew Johnson for entertaining
Mayor John T. Monroe, the chief butcher of New Orleans. Minimizes the anti-
slavery impact of the work of the American Tract Society and of efforts at moral
suasion in general. Promotes the women’s suffrage cause. Comments that it
would be dangerous for Louis Napoleon to rule with the degree of autocratic
power and contempt for the public will demonstrated by Johnson. Acknowledges
that Johnson possesses a vigorous mind. Argues that the rebels and traitors who
conspired to assassinate Lincoln must have known that Johnson, who had articu-
lated threats against them, would act in their favor as president; if they did not
know it, they behaved like men jumping from the frying pan into the fire. Notes
that Ohio opposes black suffrage and that New York will probably do so as well.
Warns against political exploitation of the authority and the responsibility to im-
pose equal, impartial suffrage throughout the nation. Submits that blacks should
not bear the burdens of citizenship without access to its rights.
4. Chosen Text: WILLIAM THE SILENT. 8 FEBRUARY 1869. CINCINNATI,
OHIO. c.4,750 words. Reprinted on pages 186-99.
a. SPEECH DELIVERED 18 JANUARY 1869, Cooper Institute, New York, New York.
Stenographic, c.3,100 words. New York Tribune, 19 January 1869. Mentions that
Charles V was fifty-eight years old when he abdicated. States that although Philip
II resided in Madrid and nominally committed the government of the Netherlands
to the regent, assisted by a cardinal, he retained control. Affirms that Philip ruled
the Netherlands far more oppressively than George III ruled the American colo-
nies. Recounts some of the ways used by Philip to terrorize and kill Protestants.
Recalls the execution of eighteen thousand Protestants by the duke of Alva, who
also killed thousands more in battle. Compares the reluctance of the Dutch to
renounce the divine right of kings with the refusal of the North during the Civil War
to reject slavery until its military situation became desperate. Observes that it must
have seemed as imprudent for the Dutch to take up arms against Spain as for John
Brown to invade Virginia. Asserts that since blacks are denied the elective fran-
chise they are still slaves. Draws an extended analogy between the experience of
the Dutch and that of the North in the early phase of the Civil War: both were
afflicted with incompetent soldiers, treacherous generals, and nearly crushing
defeats. Views Philip as a victim of the dark, superstitious age in which he lived.
Quotes Byron in referring to the mild-mannered cruelty of the duke of Alva.
Declares the victory of the Netherlands after eighty years of patriotic struggle
against overwhelming odds to be one of the marvelous exploits in human history.
Remembers seeing Lincoln struggling to repress a tear in response to the weight of
care that he bore. Notes that William was assassinated by a man whom he had
assisted on the previous day.
b. SPEECH DELIVERED 22 FEBRUARY 1869, Rouse’s Hall, Peoria, Illinois. Steno-
graphic/summary, c.1,800 words. Peoria Daily Transcript, 23 February 1869.
Observes that Philip II granted a nominal regency to his sister while making clear
to the people of the Netherlands that he was the monarch. Lists some of the forms
of torture and execution used by Philip to rid the country of eighteen thousand
“heretics.” Notes that many other Protestants were killed in battle. States that
Dutch women aided their fathers and brothers in war by pouring hot tar and pitch
on the heads of Spanish troops. Ridicules as irrational the fear of those who would
be willing for blacks to vote if they could be prevented from holding office;
contrasts the potential influence of four million blacks as against eighty million
whites. Asserts that early in the sixteenth century America was filling the coffers
of Spain with gold and silver. Compares the Netherlands’ struggle against power-
ful Spain with John Brown’s invasion of Virginia with twenty-two men. Expresses
admiration for the courage of the Dutch by saying that if he were not a black he
would be a Dutchman. Sees the floundering of incompetent generals as a point of
similarity between the early military efforts of the Dutch and those of the North in
the Civil War. Affirms that Confederate prison camps, which he characterizes as
“Andersonvilles,” were paradises compared to those endured by the Netherlands.
Explains that Philip, whom the pope called a beloved son, thought he was serving
God when he repeatedly urged his sister in the Netherlands to suppress the Protes-
tants. Suggests that Philip reasoned that if the Inquisition could prevent the Refor-
mation from taking root in Spain, it could do the same in the Netherlands. Charac-
terizes the duke of Alva as a devout, mild-mannered tool of Spanish cruelty.
Compares William of Orange to William Tell, George Washington, Toussaint
L’Ouverture, and Abraham Lincoln. Affirms that the heart of the people is always
right, although leaders may err. Recalls that Lincoln desired to be identified with
the people. Observes that William and Lincoln were implicitly trusted by the
people they each served. Mentions that William’s assassin had relentlessly fol-
lowed him for seven years. States that Philip had offered a large reward and a
knightship to anyone who would murder William. Accounts for William’s appella-
tion “the Silent”: after hearing Philip, the duke of Alva, and Henry II of France
plot the destruction of the Protestants eight years earlier. he did not react until the
time was appropriate. Regards William’s talent for silence as more remarkable
than his wealth, royal friends, or knowledge of seven languages. Points out that
the bravery of John Brown and of Union soldiers restored the freedoms of speech
and travel in the South.
c. UNDATED MANUSCRIPT, c.1868-69, c.12,300 words. Speech File, reel 19,
frames 122-39, FD Papers, DLC. Mentions George Washington as the American
counterpart of William the Silent. Emphasizes the difficulty of giving more than a
hint of the complex struggle between Spain and the Netherlands. Refers to Charles
V as a bigoted Catholic and friend of the Spanish Inquisition. Accuses Philip II, a
Spanish Catholic who chose to reside in Spain, of being destitute of sympathy with
the Dutch. Affirms that Philip II made the States General impotent under the
regency of his sister, Margaret of Parma. Characterizes Cardinal Antoine Gran-
ville, whom Philip appointed to the post of prime minister, as an instrument of
oppression of the Protestants. Observes that Philip’s absentee rule and especially
his decision to garrison troops in every town evoked hostility from the people of
the Netherlands. Declares that the bigotry of the Inquisition smothered respect for
human life; recounts some of the brutal forms of execution employed by the
Spanish. Suggests that the motivational power of religious conviction is making
the Sudan a formidable threat to England. Remarks that the romantic identification
of the struggle for liberty with mountainous regions is contradicted by events in the
Netherlands. Describes the Spanish government as working with the precision of a
Corliss engine. States that in their early phases the fight for Dutch independence
and the Civil War were similar in that in each case the cause of liberty was
embarrassed by raw recruits, incompetent generals, inferior arms, an empty treas-
ury, and stunning defeats. Affirms that the Dutch showed a remarkable resiliency
in the face of repeated defeats. Concedes that the horrors committed in Confeder-
ate prison camps were insignificant compared to the atrocities performed by the
armies of Philip in the name of religion. Accuses the Dutch Protestants of imitating
and reciprocating the atrocities committed by their Catholic enemies. Deplores the
iconoclasm of the Protestants as the triumph of faith over reason. Asserts that
Philip piously believed that persecution could unify the faith of the Netherlands as
it had that of Spain. Refers to the boast of the duke of Alva that he had killed eight
thousand Protestants. Submits that the appearance of Alva on the scene motivated
William the Silent to ally himself openly with the cause of the Protestants. Ex-
plains how William acquired his sobriquet “the Silent”: he heard Henry of France
plot to eradicate the Protestants but kept silent until conditions were propitious for
intervention eight years later. Eulogizes William for his character, education,
courage, and persistence in the face of great odds. Mentions John C. Fremont.
Compares William to George Washington, Toussaint L’Ouverture, and, at length,
Abraham Lincoln. Defends William against the charge that he was motivated by
ambition to become king of the Netherlands. Considers William’s use of spies
consistent with the political morality of his age. Relates how William, according
to historian John Lothrop Motley’s account, warned the counts of Egmont and
Hoorn that Philip would not treat them with mercy. Stresses that William’s noblest
service was to ignore self-interest in order to champion political independence and
religious tolerance. Believes that William joins the company of men such as
Galileo and Columbus, whose achievements opened the way to progress.
d. UNDATED MANUSCRIPT, c.1868-69. c.9,790 words. Speech File, reel 19,
frames 178-212, FD papers, DLC. Says that Charles V abdicated in favor of his
son Philip II at the age of fifty-six. Asserts that Philip, who resided in Madrid
instead of the Netherlands, bore no affection for the Dutch people. Notes that
Philip granted a nominal regency to his sister, Margaret of Parma, and that she was
assisted by Cardinal Antoine Granville. Affirms that although the States General
in theory possessed power similar to that of the U.S. Senate, it was in practice
controlled by the king. Refers to the squads of Spanish soldiers that Philip gar-
risoned in most important towns; stresses the resentment their presence aroused
among the Dutch. Tells of the brutal forms of torture and execution employed by
the Inquisition. Claims that the duke of Alva boasted of killing eighteen thousand
Protestants in cold blood and of slaying thousands of others in battle. Comments
that John C. Calhoun understood more clearly than the Free Soil party that recog-
nizing the manhood of blacks would lead finally to their full participation in
American political life. Estimates the population of the Netherlands at the time of
its struggle with Spain at three million. Compares the Netherlands’ apparent
chance for success in resisting Spain with that of John Brown and his twenty-two
cohorts in their invasion of Virginia. Exclaims that if he were not a black he would
choose to be a Dutchman. Compares the early experience of the Netherlands in
opposing Spain to that of the North in the Civil War: both were afflicted with
incompetent and sometimes treacherous generals, and both drifted without a
policy. Describes the ease with which Spain repeatedly defeated the Protestant
armies and the courageous refusal of the Protestants to cease fighting. Affirms that
the horrors of the war between the Netherlands and Spain were incomparably
greater than those associated with the Civil War. Posits that both wars support the
proposition that the moral dispositions of mankind are about the same in all
countries and in all ages. Concludes that absolute power over the body of another
leads to savagery but that authority over the souls of men produces something
worse—savagery without passion or remorse. Suggests that in his cruelty Philip
was a victim of a dark age and of superstitious religious beliefs. Admits that the
Protestants provoked Philip with what he perceived to be unwarranted verbal and
physical attacks on the Catholic church. Explains that Philip decided that the
Inquisition, which had purified Spain of the Reformation, would do the same for
the Netherlands. Describes the duke of Alva as a mild-mannered persecutor whose
appearance on the scene in 1569 marked the real beginning of the war between
Spain and the Netherlands. Notes also Alva’s loss of favor with Philip and his
subsequent disgrace. Pronounces the heroes of the Protestant fight for liberty to be
equal to the heroes of Greece, Rome, and Carthage. Claims that William the Silent
dealt masterfully with the intricate foreign policy issues connected with the war
despite troubles within his own home. Eulogizes William as perhaps standing
alone in history when all aspects of his character and accomplishments are consid-
ered. Compares William briefly with George Washington and Toussaint L’Ouver-
ture and in detail with Abraham Lincoln. Assails James Buchanan for surrendering
the integrity of the United States in compromising with the slave power. Charac-
terizes Clement L. Vallandigham and Horatio Seymour as foes of Lincoln who
were more dangerous than a thousand armed traitors. Notes that William was
assassinated by a man to whom he had offered charity the day before. Comments
on the rewards offered to any who would assassinate William and asserts that five
attempts were made upon his life. Mentions John C. Fremont. Praises William for
being in advance of his time. Doubts if even General Grant understands the uses of
silence better than did William. Recounts how William earned his sobriquet “the
Silent”: he waited for eight years for the appropriate time to react to the plot of
Philip and Henry II of France to annihilate the Protestants. Points out the irony of
William’s sobriquet in view of his stature as one of the most eloquent speakers and
writers of his time. Lauds William for sacrificing his aristocratic position in order
to lead a rebellion for popular rights. Affirms that William refused to be disheart-
ened by the St. Bartholomew’s Day massacre in Paris, the loss of his fortune, the
military might of the enemy, or the death of his brothers and sons. Defends
William’s use of spies. Dismisses the accusation that William was motivated by
ambition to become the king of the Netherlands. Comments on the executions of
the counts of Egmont and Hoorn, who, against William’s advice, sought Philip’s
mercy. States that William opposed the destruction of church property by the
iconoclasts. Suggests that William’s greatness was based in reason and states-
manship, not theology.
5. Chosen Text: OUR COMPOSITE NATIONALITY. 7 DECEMBER 1869.
BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS. c.7,335 words. Reprinted on pages 240-59.
a. SPEECH DELIVERED 7 FEBRUARY 1870, Parmely’s Hall, Peoria, Illinois. Steno-
graphic, c.2,100 words. Peoria Daily Transcript, 8 February 1870. Reprinted in
Peoria Weekly Transcript, 10 February 1870. Comments that although his tenden-
cy to criticize the United States is not wholly a thing of the past, he feels somewhat
hopeful in noting that blacks have become citizens and even senators. Mentions
blacks before whites within a sentence and proceeds to “apologize” for his “up-
ishness.” Pronounces it a disgrace that as the country advances in civilization, the
Indian disappears. Notes that Canadians and Indians live together peacefully.
Affirms that the country made its greatest mistake in Indian affairs when the
forefathers constitutionally excluded Indians from citizenship. Charges that the
U.S. government has refused to recognize Indians in an insane desire to maintain
the ascendancy of whites. Warns that Chinese immigrants will not respond to wage
slavery as Negroes did to chattel slavery: the slaves were happy if they were well
fed and promised a place in heaven in return for their loyalty, but the Chinese will
demand cash. Submits that exploitation of Chinese immigrants is unlikely owing
to an increased sense of fair play toward all races. Compliments the Chinese as the
best cooks in the world. Asserts that racial prejudice does not exist in Europe and
Brazil. Declares that prejudice tends to flourish among less educated people;
recalls, as an example, that it was easier to place one of his sons in the Treasury
Department than another in a government printing office. Claims to be part Cauca-
sian; jokes that many account for his intelligence by noting that he is white; asserts
that he is taking advantage of the situation to speak for whites. Emphasizes the
extremely early achievements of China in naval architecture and the invention of
gunpowder and the mariner’s compass. Observes that citizens of German descent
have significantly benefited the nation; describes Carl Schurz as thoroughly noble
and thoroughly American. Commends Hiram Revel as a loyal and able successor
of Jefferson Davis. Contrasts the healthy religious diversity of the United States
with the exclusivity of Austria, France, and Spain.
b. SPEECH DELIVERED 9 FEBRUARY 1870, Farwell Hall, Chicago, Illinois. Sum-
mary, c.2,100 words. Chicago Tribune, 10 February 1870. Affirms that among
those who do not share his opinion that the United States is flourishing are
reformers whose programs are languishing and those who dislike democratic
government. Mentions a Chicago newspaper that supports an educational re-
striction of voting rights; believes that such a restriction will not be adopted.
Expresses satisfaction with the increased civility and respect blacks are accorded.
Disputes the notion that republicanism is an experiment; claims that autocracy, not
liberty, is anomalous. Charges that Americans generally assent to the dying out of
the Indians; declares that no such anti-Indian prejudice exists in Canada or Mex-
ico. Exults that for the first time a president has called for the incorporation of both
Indians and blacks into the mainstream of American life. Avers that racial preju-
dice exists only in the United States; notes that Brazil’s freedmen are treated
without condescension and that Europe is free of prejudice. Warns that even if
prejudice were natural rather than circumstantial, it would be unwise to nurture it.
Reasons that since society needs to be governed intelligently, to exclude women,
who constitute one-half of the population, from voting is to maim society. States
that by isolating itself, Chinese civilization has become stagnant. Explains that
with the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment the United States began a
glorious new phase of its history; to succeed in its mission, the country will need to
employ the resources of a composite citizenry.
6. Chosen Text: AT LAST, AT LAST, THE BLACK MAN HAS A FUTURE. 22
APRIL 1870. ALBANY, NEW YORK. c.2,615 words. Reprinted on pages 265-
72.
a. SPEECH DELIVERED 19 MAY 1870, Gilmore House, Baltimore, Maryland.
Stenographic, c.1,200 words. Baltimore Sun, 20 May 1870. Reprinted in Bal-
timore American, 20 May 1870; Baltimore Gazette, 20 May 1870; Washington
New Era, 26 May 1870. Recalls his roles over the past thirty years as slave,
fugitive slave, abolitionist, and now as American citizen. Remembers that thirty-
five years ago, when he labored as a slave in Talbot County, Maryland, he looked
forward to the death of slavery. Observes that when he reflects on the previous
interlinking of slavery with all American institutions, he is amazed to be celebrat-
ing the passage of the Fifteenth Amendment. Recounts how slaves contrived codes
to talk about emancipation in the presence of overseers. Acknowledges that blacks
now possess two of the three basic badges of American freedom, the cartridge box
and the ballot box, and demands the third, the jury box. Declares that blacks will
be insecure as long as the Negro-hating element monopolizes the jury box. Encour-
ages blacks to enter the ballot box remembering that for forty years the Democratic
party has oppressed them and that the Republican party prevented the overthrow of
the government. Notes that in Maryland thirty-two years ago God did not hear his
prayers for liberty until he began to run. Tells of being moved to pledge his life to
the freeing of his people by seeing, through a boy’s eyes, slaves being loaded
aboard ship in Baltimore for transport to New Orleans. Affirms that he has fulfilled
his pledge and will continue to do so. Rejects the old idea of state sovereignty;
advises blacks to be committed to what is best for the country as a whole. Urges
blacks to work hard, be sober and temperate, educate their children, and save their
money. Counsels blacks to build optimistically for the future. Declares that future
black orators will overshadow both himself and John M. Langston.
b. SPEECH DELIVERED 21 APRIL 1873, Exposition Hall, Louisville, Kentucky.
Stenographic, c.1,200 words. Louisville (Ky.) Commercial, 22 April 1873. Re-
printed in Louisville (Ky.) Courier-Journal, 22 April 1873. Observes that racial
prejudice occurs mainly among the lower classes. Affirms that prejudice is to be
found only in countries where slavery has existed. Refers to his visits to Europe,
where he mingled with the aristocracy without detecting a trace of prejudice.
Recounts a personal experience of over twenty years ago: while traveling from
Cleveland to Buffalo by train, a black waiter who asked him not to eat with
whites was reproved by a prominent Kentuckian, Edward Marshall. Urges blacks
to pursue education. Lists several ways in which slaves could have made strategic
use of literacy. Posits that though a slave might have been happier the less he
knew, a free man with the ballot needs to be educated. Chides whites for feeling
uneasy about a supposed struggle for supremacy with a much smaller population
of blacks. Reminds whites of their belief in their superior intelligence. Mentions
an article published in Blackwood’s Magazine more than twenty years ago which
prophesied a level of racial conflict that has not materialized. Emphasizes the
changes that are likely to occur in the United States as a result of immigration
from Asia and Europe. Believes that racial prejudice is diminishing; thousands of
northerners have overcome it, and even in Louisville, with its history of involve-
ment in the slave trade, men can be found who are becoming less conscious of
race. Assures the audience that he bears no bitter feelings toward Louisville; his
recollections of suffering as a slave are growing dim, and he realizes that the
capacity for cruelty is not unique to whites. Describes an article in the Louisville
Courier-Journal, which charged that blacks were the aggressors in interracial
disturbances in Louisiana, as injudicious and counterproductive. Declares that
white men are nearly always the aggressors in conflicts with blacks. Refers to the
willingness of slaves to protect their masters’ wives and daughters during the
Civil War.
7. Chosen Text: MY REASONS FOR OPPOSING HORACE GREELEY. 5
SEPTEMBER 1872. BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS. c.1,440 words. Reprinted
on pages 322-33.
a. SPEECH DELIVERED 21 AUGUST 1872, Norombega Hall, Bangor, Maine. Nar-
rative/stenographic, c.1,100 words. Bangor Daily Whig and Courier, 22 August
1872. Observes that moral progress has been won slowly and at great cost. Refers
to a bloody struggle in Europe three centuries ago that was fought to determine
whether individuals could worship God according to the demands of their con-
sciences. Notes that William Lloyd Garrison’s self-evident proposition that each
man belongs to himself became the fundamental issue in the protracted struggle
over slavery. Praises Garrison and mentions the famous incident in which he was
yanked through the streets of Boston with a halter around his neck. Recalls reading
a book written two hundred years ago by a missionary to support the then-
controversial notion that God would sanction the baptism of blacks. Afirms that
the similarity of the Republican and Democratic platforms on the issue of equal
rights is deceiving; insists that the Democrats are as anti-black as ever. Pleads for
the continuation of protection for blacks until they are able to protect themselves.
Maintains that the blacks’ claims on the people are legitimized by loyal service
rendered the North during the Civil War. Cautions that the white men of the South
are gloomy, sullen, unreconciled, and avid members of the Democratic party.
Condemns the Democrats as hypocrites in their criticism of President Ulysses S.
Grant for failing to invite him to dine at the White House with the rest of the
commission to Santo Domingo. Cites the Dred Scott decision and the failure of
Franklin Pierce and James Buchanan to invite blacks to the White House as
examples of the racial attitudes of the Democrats. Asserts that Grant treats the
black ministers from Haiti in the same way that he treats the ministers of other
countries and that he has dined with a dark-skinned Indian who is a member of his
staff. Corrects Charles Sumner’s version of the Grant affair. Praises Grant as calm,
modest, honest, sensitive to the rights of blacks, and accessible to people without
regard to economic status or color. Fears that the election of a Democratic presi-
dent would result in a renewal of oppression by the Ku Klux Klan and former
slaveholders. Indicts Horace Greeley for surrendering principle for the sake of
nomination to office. Charges that Greeley has not denied that he favors providing
pensions for rebel soldiers.
b. SPEECH DELIVERED 28 SEPTEMBER 1872, Cato, New York. Stenographic,
c.3,420 words. Auburn (N.Y.) Daily Advertiser, 30 September 1872. Expresses
embarrassment at having to try to fulfill expectations created by the eloquent
speech of introduction, especially with a tired throat and frame. Admits to always
feeling diffident at the beginning of a speech and to drawing inspiration from the
responses of the audience. Gives credit to the Republican party and President
Ulysses S. Grant for the opportunity to represent blacks not in his persona as
fugitive slave but in his status as a free citizen. Thanks God that American blacks
are not citizen-subjects like the French or Germans but citizens free to make as
well as submit to laws. Denounces the Democratic party as the party that induced
the Civil War and supported the South, that ran General George B. McClellan for
the presidency against Lincoln, and that ran Horatio Seymour against Grant.
Scoms the Democrats’ proslavery history, which includes the Missouri Compro-
mise, the Fugitive Slave Law, and support for states’ rights. Refers to Chief
Justice Roger B. Taney’s opinion in the Dred Scott case and indirectly to Presi-
dent James Buchanan’s Kansas policy. Claims that while southern Democrats
express the desire to negate the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amend-
ments, as in the Broadhead letter, and maintain armed bands of former Confeder-
ate soldiers to intimidate freedmen, northern Democrats speak of conciliation
and kindness. Affirms that Horace Greeley and Charles Sumner pretend to be-
lieve in the conversion of the Democrats. Declares that Grant should be kept in
power until Congress has time to perfect legislation to protect the freedmen.
Notes that Governor Butler G. Noble is to speak next. Urges the audience to vote
for the party that abolished slavery, won the war, and made the country respect-
able and prosperous.
c. SPEECH DELIVERED 21 OCTOBER 1872, The Wigwam, Philadelphia, Pennsyl-
vania. Stenographic/narrative, c.950 words. Unidentified newspaper clipping,
Box 95, p. 279, Edward McPherson Papers, DLC. Endorses General John F.
Hartranft as an honest man. States that the principle of liberty, whether in religion
or in politics, is sacred truth that has cost blood and treasure both in Europe and in
America. Asserts that the principle of universal equality engendered and sustained
the Republican party. Gives the Republican party credit for rescuing the virgin
territory of the Far West from slavery and for electing Abraham Lincoln to the
presidency. Jokes that he will use no harsh words in speaking of Horace Greeley,
for like General Benjamin F. Butler and himself, Greeley would already be dead if
harsh words could injure him. Describes Greeley as a secessionist not merely from
expediency but from principle. Accuses Greeley of deserting the cause of equality
for blacks and going over to the enemy. Criticizes the Democratic platform for
recognizing the principle of equality without proposing to enforce it. Notes that
Jeremiah S. Black has asserted that nothing has been settled by the Fourteenth and
Fifteenth Amendments. Affirms that Georgia provides an example of the potential
for circumvention of the Constitution in the state’s ten-dollar poll tax, which
prevents all poor men, white or black, from voting. Dismisses the argument that
the Republican party favors undue centralization of power; believes that more
centralization is needed to protect blacks from renewed efforts by white southern-
ers to oppress them. Rebukes white southerners for exploiting Horace Greeley in
an effort to attain power and place. Appeals to the audience, especially its black
members, to vote for their friends, the Republicans.
8. Chosen Text: SANTO DOMINGO. 13 JANUARY 1873. ST. LOUIS, MIS-
SOURI. c.4,690 words. Reprinted on pages 342-55.
a. SPEECH DELIVERED 24 APRIL 1871, Bethel A. M. E. Church, Baltimore,
Maryland. Summary, c.2,700 words. Baltimore American, 25 April 1871. Apolo-
gizes for speaking from a manuscript; expresses concern that important subtleties
would be lost if he followed his custom of speaking extemporaneously. Refers to a
series of speeches in the U.S. Senate in which the annexation issue had been fully
discussed. Stresses the fundamental significance of the right of free discussion of
political issues. Suggests that the Santo Domingo annexation issue is especially
important to blacks; points out that Charles Sumner opposes annexation on the
ground that it would be injurious to blacks. Notes that he supports a policy of
annexation now that all Americans are free, whereas he opposed it twenty years
ago because it tended to serve the interests of the slaveholders. Describes the
respectful treatment that he received aboard the Tennessee on his voyage to Santo
Domingo. Affirms that intelligence and racial prejudice are inversely propor-
tional. Explains that he expected an audience made up entirely of blacks and
prepared an address designed to answer objections to the annexation of Santo
Domingo that blacks would likely offer. Says that the people of Santo Domingo
have plenty to eat. Admits that the pleasant climate invites indolence but maintains
that men can work in Santo Domingo if they so choose. Refers to the colony of
American blacks established in Santo Domingo forty-seven years ago; tells of
soliciting contributions aboard the Tennessee to help the colonists build a new
church. Praises Charles C. Fulton of the Baltimore American for his accurate
reporting of conditions in Santo Domingo. Depicts some aspects of daily life there
in positive terms but also notes that blacks do all the hard work and do not send
their children to school. Describes President Buenaventura Baez as an able man
well loved by his people. Argues that since most citizens of Santo Domingo favor
annexation they should not be compelled to continue the struggle in isolation.
Wonders why a nation that annexed Louisiana, Florida, and Texas would be
reluctant to annex Santo Domingo; proffers racial prejudice as a possible answer.
Agrees with Senator Thomas F. Bayard of Delaware that Santo Domingo is too
small to function effectively as a nation. Recounts the beginning of the slave trade
in Santo Domingo and mentions the role played by Bartolomé de las Casas.
Believes that Haiti has no right to the annexation project.
b. SPEECH DELIVERED 22 MAY 1871, Congregational Church, Washington, D.C.
Summary c.2,100 words. New National Era, 25 May 1873. Refers to being
inadequately prepared to give his views on the proposed annexation of Santo
Domingo. Observes that the annexation issue, however important in its own right,
must not be allowed to threaten the ascendancy of the Republican party. Argues
that the activities of the Ku Klux Klan in the South would be significantly in-
creased if the Democratic party were placed in power again. Applauds the decision
to settle the annexation issue through a plebiscite. Alludes to the criticism directed
at President Ulysses S. Grant for his position on the annexation issue. Defends
Grant as an effective leader whose wisdom lies in his willingness to fulfill the
expectations of the people. Praises Senator Charles Sumner but declares him to be
wrong in his opposition to annexation. Notes the heterogeneity of the opposition
camp, which includes Sumner, Carl Schurz, Jefferson Davis, Thomas F. Bayard,
and Willard Saulsbury, men who tend to disagree on other issues. Posits that since
the United States has no right to withhold needed aid to other countries, he can see
no good reason why all the nations on the American continent should not some day
be annexed. Charges that the Democratic party opposes the annexation of Santo
Domingo on racial grounds. Mentions the opposition of Henry Highland Garnet.
Characterizes his inspection of Santo Domingo as unbiased. Contrasts the rich and
beautiful island with another acquisition, Alaska, which is of comparatively small
value. Describes the inhabitants of Santo Domingo as peaceable, of small stature,
graceful, of light copper color, healthy, and friendly to old people. Recalls that
while visiting Santo Domingo he met about a dozen of the colony of blacks, who
now number seven hundred, retain the old-time Methodist religion, and favor
annexation. Endorses the report of the Commission to Santo Domingo and denies
that it whitewashed conditions in the island. Asserts that Benjamin F. Wade would
not have signed a biased report. Explains that Santo Domingo can escape the
degradation of a social order molded in slavery only by outside assistance. Stresses
that small countries have difficulty sustaining democracy. Notes further that small
nationalities are going out of style, as indicated by the unification of Italy and of
Germany, and the defeat of the Confederacy. Praises the Congregational church for
its rejection of racial prejudice. Rejects the idea that Santo Domingo would be
humiliated by joining the Union. Believes that there is little hope of Santo Domingo
becoming an example to the world of a free black nation. Defends Grant from
charges of violating international law in connection with the Santo Domingo
project. Asserts that the annexation of Santo Domingo would initiate a worldwide
millennium of freedom and peace.
c. SPEECH DELIVERED 29 DECEMBER 1871, Union Park Congregational Church,
Chicago, Illinois. Summary, c.1,910 words. Chicago Tribune, 30 December
1871. Refers to the gambling associated with cockfighting in Santo Domingo.
Affirms that the slave trade, with its dreadful consequences, originated in Santo
Domingo. Explains the strained relations between mulattoes and full-blooded
Africans as the result of the racial policies of their Latin masters: being neither
slaves nor freemen, the mulattoes came to constitute a separate, intermediate
caste. Declares the Latin influence in Santo Domingo has led to wretched failure.
Asserts that despite the climate, ways could be devised to make the condition of
the laboring class as comfortable as anywhere in the world. Attributes the ruin of
Santo Domingo to the self-serving policies of the nations that have ruled it.
Observes that the uneducated population is kept in revolutionary turmoil by am-
bitious chiefs. Maintains that his view of the situation in Santo Domingo is shared
by its most patriotic and intelligent citizens. Recommends annexation as good for
Santo Domingo and not disadvantageous to the United States. Argues that if
England wanted and could defend Jamaica, which was four thousand miles away,
why should the United States not want and be able to defend Santo Domingo,
which is only three days away. Notes that the United States is the only great power
that has no territorial possession in the West Indies. Rejects the claim that only a
despotic power can succeed in the tropics; avers that the alternative has never been
tried. Urges the United States to redeem Santo Domingo, in all its beauty and
fruitfulness, from the curse of Spanish misrule. Responds to the objection that
annexation by the United States would be tantamount to extinguishing Santo
Domingo’s nationhood by charging that no objection would have been made if the
island’s inhabitants were white. Affirms that Santo Domingo, with a population of
only 150,000, is too weak to function as a nation. Refers to the annexation debate
as a struggle between conservatism and progress. Praises the United States as the
hope of the oppressed in all parts of the world.
(I. UNDATED MANUSCRIPT, c.1871-73. c.9,000 words. Speech File, reel 18,
frames 259-88, FD Papers, DLC. Copies and drafts in reel 18, frames 289-311,
312-26, 327-47, FD Papers, DLC. Describes Santo Domingo as the richest of all
the West Indian islands. Refers to Charles Sumner’s opposition to the annexation
of Santo Domingo. Mentions the struggle of Greece against Ottoman power.
Suggests that although the cities and towns of Santo Domingo would not satisfy
northern tastes, they are adapted to the island’s culture and climate. Deplores the
economic and cultural devastation wrought by the Spanish invaders with their
thirst for gold and introduction of slavery. Recalls Daniel O’Connell’s aphorism
that the history of Ireland, like the trail of a wounded man, might be traced by
blood and suggests that it was even more true of Santo Domingo. Relates that a
Roman Catholic priest, Bartolomé de las Casas, urged his countrymen to import
slaves from Africa in order to preserve the weaker Caribes, who were not surviving
the Spanish system of slavery. Puts forward Toussaint L’Ouverture, Jean-Jacques
Dessalines, and Henri Christophe as examples of the willingness of black men to
rise in fierce opposition to oppression. Admits that the blacks of Santo Domingo
committed atrocities in their rebellion but denies that they were more brutal than
those who sought to enslave them. Warns the South to learn from the fact that the
“horrors” of Santo Domingo did not occur until blacks had been free under the
leadership of Toussaint for six years and then were attacked by Napoleon Bo-
naparte and his army, the first Ku Klux Klan of the century. Argues that if the
mulattoes of Santo Domingo are unusually treacherous and unreliable, the cause is
circumstantial rather than genetic. Contrasts the treatment of mulattoes in Santo
Domingo and the United States. Calls the Fifteenth Amendment a true cure for the
spirit of caste. Lists seven observations that should be taken into account in
considering the pros and cons of the annexation issue: (1) Latin civilization in
Santo Domingo is a failure; (2) the climate is varied and pleasant; (3) the ruin and
decay of the island are explained by the exploitation of its former French and
Spanish proprietors; (4) educated and ambitious leaders keep Santo Domingo in a
chronic state of revolution; (5) the insecurity of property is a strong disincentive to
acquire property; (6) the people are too demoralized to lift themselves out of their
degradation; and (7) the only remedy for Santo Domingo’s problems is the inter-
vention of a friendly nation. Responds to the objection that annexing Santo Do-
mingo would lead to further annexations in the Caribbean by speculating that
annexation of Cuba, Haiti, Puerto Rico, and Jamaica might someday be advisable.
Advocates annexation as a means of giving the United States significant influence
in the Caribbean. Associates territorial expansion no longer with slavery and
barbarism but with freedom and progress.
9. Chosen Text: RECOLLECTIONS OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY CONFLICT. 21
APRIL 1873. LOUISVILLE, KENTUCKY. c.4,790 words. Reprinted on pages
360-75.
a. UNDATED MANUSCRIPT, c.1872-73. c.10,000 words. Speech file, reel 14,
frames 614-45, FD Papers, DLC. Suggests that the abolition of slavery has made
the nation a less inviting target for speculation by European critics. Expresses
disdain for European monarchies. Fears that efforts to insinuate religion into the
Constitution will undermine religious liberty. Refers to a review of Uncle Tom’s
Cabin in Blackwood’s Magazine that twenty years ago prophesied the develop-
ment of black supremacy in the United States within a century. Rejects the predic-
tion of black supremacy by satirically building a supporting case based on im-
probable attitudinal and political developments. Refers to Abraham Lincoln and
Charles Sumner. Warns that it is easy to forget realities of the antislavery struggle
such as confrontations with proslavery mobs and the refusal of the North early in
the Civil War to free the slaves. Believes that Samuel Hopkins preceded Elizabeth
Heyrick in urging immediate emancipation. Mentions British antislavery reform-
ers Thomas Clarkson, Granville Sharp, and William Wilberforce. Recalls that the
Reverend Moses Stewart wrote an eloquent pamphlet in defense of Daniel Webster
and the Fugitive Slave Law. Attests to the effectiveness of Theodore D. Weld’s
Testimony of a Thousand Witnesses. Explains that in its initial phase the abolition
movement sought mainly to dramatize the nature of slavery; this phase was fol-
lowed by efforts to stir the consciences of all who in any way were responsible for
the existence of slavery. Comments on the division in the movement between
moral suasionists and political abolitionists; lists the leaders of both factions.
Gives account of efforts in the North to suppress abolitionist activities. Stresses the
role of southern extremism in the growth of the antislavery crusade; includes in his
list of misdeeds the expulsion of Samuel Hoar from South Carolina and the caning
of Charles Sumner. Praises Charles C. Burleigh, Benjamin Lundy, Thomas Clark-
son, George Thompson, Henry Brougham, and Daniel O’Connell. Submits that
although many abolitionists failed to overcome their own racial prejudice, Wen-
dell Phillips is the exemplar of the hundreds who treated blacks as brothers.
Describes the give-and-take of antislavery meetings and mentions the radical
oratory of Henry C. Wright, Stephen S. Foster, and Parker Pillsbury. Observes that
by 1850 most of the first generation of abolitionists were convinced that slavery
could not be abolished by moral and political means; refers specifically to Gerrit
Smith and to John Brown’s strategy for freeing the slaves. Believes that universal
education is a necessary corollary of universal suffrage.
b. UNDATED MANUSCRIPT, c.1872-74. c.13,000 words. Speech file, reel 18,
frames 155-207, FD Papers, DLC. Copy in reel 18, frames 208-51, FD Papers,
DLC. Suggests that emancipation has made the United States a less desirable
object of analysis and criticism by European writers. Warns that European senti-
ment favoring the coalition of church and state is influencing the United States.
Eulogizes the framers of the Constitution for separating religion and politics.
Believes that the tendency toward political centralization is rooted in temporary
conditions and will soon pass. Counsels that the South need only suppress racial
violence to ensure the viability of local government. Notes that the current concern
about a supposedly emerging black supremacy was foreshadowed twenty years
ago in a review of Uncle Tom’s Cabin written for Blackwood’s Magazine. Con-
structs a satirical, hypothetical case for a dramatic increase in black influence; then
affirms that a realistic analysis of the condition of blacks makes the fear of black
supremacy appear ridiculous. Points out that people in the North have largely
forgotten the struggle of the antislavery movement and even such stark realities of
the Civil War as the atrocities committed at Andersonville. Refers to several
Confederate leaders who have returned to national respectability. Lists the names
of twenty representative abolitionists whose speeches and writings testify to the
reluctance of many American churches to denounce slavery. Aflirms that Samuel
Hopkins preceded Elizabeth Heyrick and William Lloyd Garrison in the call for
immediate emancipation. Eulogizes Theodore D. Weld for his eloquence and for
editing a sourcebook, Testimony of a Thousand Witnesses, which antislavery
speakers and writers exploited for two decades. Quotes Whittier in emphasizing
the eloquence of abolitionists’ assault on the American conscience. Posits that the
persecution meted out to abolitionists was a sign of the correctness of their cause.
Discusses the split in the antislavery movement in 1840 over the appropriateness of
political action as an antislavery strategy; lists major figures in both groups.
Remarks that abolitionists were characterized by temperance and longevity. As-
serts that abolitionists found courage to sustain their attack on the formidable
slavery system in their faith in human nature and in the power of truth. Laments the
bitter persecution suffered by abolitionists between 1835 and 1840. Contends that
such events as the annexation of Texas, the Mexican War, and the Dred Scott
decision helped promote the antislavery cause. States that the first antislavery
society was formed not in New England but in Ohio under the influence of
Benjamin Lundy. Acknowledges the help given American abolitionists by British
reformers; lists the names of outstanding British abolitionists; gives special honor
to Thomas Clarkson. Praises several antislavery U.S. senators but declares
Charles Sumner the most effective. Gives Wendell Phillips special credit for
faithfulness, consistency, and a genuine sense of fellowship with blacks. Identifies
the freedom of speech in antislavery conventions as their unique and compelling
feature. Recalls the talent of Stephen S. Foster and Parker Pillsbury for eliciting
responses from nonabolitionists in antislavery conventions. Contends that the
success of proslavery arguments and pressures in the South led abolitionists such
as Gerrit Smith to conclude by 1850 that slavery could be abolished only by war.
Declares that blacks will not be fully free until they are guaranteed safe access to
voting booths and to schools.
c. UNDATED MANUSCRIPT, c.1882. c.9,000 words. Speech File, reel 19, frames
101-20, FD Papers, DLC. Draft in reel 19, frames 85-100, FD Papers, DLC.
Notes that the North’s memory of the realities of the antislavery crusade and the
Civil War is growing dim. Contrasts northern forgetfulness and accommodation of
former Confederate leaders with continued southern solidarity. Believes that fu-
ture efforts by churchmen to credit the churches with a central role in the antislav-
ery movement will be countered by the speeches and writings of such abolitionists
as William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, and William Goodell. Names Sam-
uel Hopkins as the predecessor of Garrison and Elizabeth Heyrick in urging
immediate emancipation. Explains that the first phase of the abolition movement,
which emphasized exposing the nature of slavery, was extremely well served by
Theodore D. Weld’s book, Testimony of a Thousand Witnesses. Quotes Whittier in
asserting that abolitionists found it necessary to convict the national conscience of
responsibility for the existence of slavery in the United States. Refers to the split in
the abolition movement in 1840 over the propriety of political action and lists the
major figures in both factions. Observes that he has never known a drunken
abolitionist. Notes that abolitionists are characterized by a remarkable longevity
and mentions several examples. Attributes the persistence of abolitionists in strug-
gling against the slave power to their faith in the power of truth and in human
nature. Condemns the bitter persecution endured by abolitionists in 1835-40.
Recalls that as governor of Massachusetts Edward Everett recommended passing a
law prohibiting antislavery agitation in the state. Asserts that southern reactions to
the antislavery movement such as border warfare in Kansas, the assault on Charles
Sumner, the branded hand of Jonathan Walker, and the murder of Elijah Lovejoy
propelled the cause forward. Denies that the first antislavery society was formed in
New England; asserts that Benjamin Lundy founded the original society in Ohio.
Reminisces about his meeting in 1846 with Thomas Clarkson; lists several other
leaders of British abolitionism. Pays tribute to Charles Sumner as the most effec-
tive antislavery voice in the U.S. Senate; mentions other antislavery senators.
Eulogizes Wendell Phillips for his sincerity and eloquence. Attributes the value of
antislavery conventions as an agitational tool in part to the unusual degree of
freedom of speech that characterized them. Mentions the ability of Stephen S.
Foster and Parker Pillsbury to stir controversy in the conventions and stimulate
participation by nonabolitionists. Admits that after 1850 the movement made few
converts in the North and many abolitionists became convinced that slavery could
be overcome only by force. Offers Gerrit Smith as an example of a prominent
abolitionist who lost faith in moral appeal and political action as antislavery
tactics. Stresses that the goal of emancipation will remain unfulfilled until blacks
have uninhibited access to ballot boxes and to schools.
10. Chosen Text: AGRICULTURE AND BLACK PROGRESS. 18 SEP-
TEMBER 1873. NASHVILLE, TENNESSEE. c.7,915 words. Reprinted on
pages 375—94.
a. SPEECH DELIVERED 1 OCTOBER 1880, Annual Exposition of the Colored People
of North Carolina, Raleigh, North Carolina. Stenographic, c. 12,000 words.
Raleigh (N.C.) Journal of Industry, 9 October 1880. Reprinted in A. M. E. Zion
Quarterly Review, 5: 150-77 (1895-96). Copies in Charles M. Hunter Papers,
NcD; Speech File, reel 19, frames 601-25, FD Papers, DLC. Mentions that he has
read several speeches on agriculture in preparation for this address but found them
too similar to be useful. Expresses surprise that the body of agricultural knowledge
is small and has accumulated so slowly. Observes that since black farmers tend to
own small plots they need to learn to enhance the productivity of each acre.
Maintains that land does not inevitably wear out; refers to a recent visit to Mary-
land, where fields that were once considered infertile are bearing rich harvests.
Suggests that blacks can take pride in knowing that shipbuilding, farming, and
mathematics all originated in North Africa. Refers to William Cowper in eulogiz-
ing rural life. Stresses that blacks were emancipated out of military necessity and
so began their career as freedmen with little assistance from their former masters;
asserts that the Hebrews and Russian serfs entered freedom with more advantages.
Claims that the South is more liberal than the North in including blacks in re-
spected trades. Relates an anecdote about a black man who learned his trade on the
same bench with Andrew Johnson. Notes that newspapers have replaced almanacs
as the primary source of weather predictions. Urges southern blacks to view the
evils they suffer as a laboring class as curable and temporary and not different from
the problems they would encounter in Indiana or Kansas. Admits that political
persecution of blacks in the South is a major problem but believes that it is a
temporary phenomenon. Predicts that racial prejudice will wane in the South just
as it has in Massachusetts and the rest of the North. Reminds the audience that
Quakers, Baptists, Methodists, Jews, and Anglo-Saxons were oppressed by peo-
ple who have learned to respect them.
b. SPEECH DELIVERED 13 SEPTEMBER 1892, Annual Fair of the Virginia Industrial
Mercantile Building and Loan Association, Richmond, Virginia. Stenographic,
c.7,915 words. Richmond (Va.) Planet, 17, 18 September 1892. Reprinted in
Topeka (Kans.) Call, 2, 9 October 1892. Asserts that the small-farm theory can be
applied in the South at this point in its history; the large estates that seemed
appropriate in a slave economy seem equally out of place in the new era of
freedom. Believes that ownership of land by as many people as possible benefits
both the people and the land. Maintains on the basis of personal observation that
contemporary Egyptians, although somewhat different from their ancient an-
cestors, resemble blacks more than they do Caucasians. Emphasizes the dignity
and value of work; recalls that his first work as a free man included shoveling coal
and loading and unloading ships. Maintains that whites should evaluate blacks not
against the achievement of whites but in terms of the obstacles blacks have had to
overcome. Aflirms that the slavery experience did not train blacks to think for
themselves or to plan their futures; believes that farming is an ideal discipline for
the development of such skills.
11. Chosen Text: ALONZO B. CORNELL AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
30 OCTOBER 1879. UTICA, NEW YORK. c. 1,770 words. Reprinted on pages
533-42.
UNDATED MANUSCRIPT, c.1879. c.6,400 words. Speech File, reel 15, frames
347-54, FD Papers, DLC. States that the character of Alonzo B. Cornell, unlike
Lord Granby’s, does not tarnish under inspection. Admits that Cornell is not a
first-rate speaker. Offers a rationale for joining a political party and subordinating
personal preferences in candidates and policies to the majority opinion within the
party. Objects to the use of the word divine in reference to the right to bolt the
Republican party. Urges the citizens of New York to use their political influence to
complete the mission of the Civil War and Reconstruction. Refers to a keynote
address delivered in the Brooklyn Academy of Music by a senator from New York.
Praises New York for having the idealism and courage in 1872 to select him as an
elector and to give him the honor of carrying the state’s electoral vote to Wash-
ington, D.C. Calls New York the pivotal state in American politics. Emphasizes
the role of sectionalism in the 1880 presidential election. Mentions Robert E. Lee.
Refers to James A. Garfield of Ohio as an able congressman whom he hopes to see
in the U.S. Senate. Indicts the Democratic party for behaving with the same
haughty aggressiveness that it employed in dealing with Joshua Giddings and
Charles Sumner. Charges that the letters and speeches of Senator Benjamin H. Hill
and Jefferson Davis manifest a spirit of hate and revenge toward the North.
Recounts the apparent early acquiescence in Reconstruction by the Democrats.
Bemoans the refusal of the northern press to credit accounts of brutality toward
blacks in the South. Mentions Senator Oliver P. Morton as a victim of the press,
which reproached him for brandishing the bloody shirt. Criticizes influential
southerners for failing to denounce the organized murder and intimidation that has
become common in the lower South. Mentions Henry C. Wright. Recalls that
Thomas Jefferson described the master class as possessing odious peculiarities.
Excoriates the old master class for insensitivity to justice and the claim of grati-
tude. Cites two cases in Kemper County, Mississippi, in which assassins who
murdered Republicans were not punished. Quotes Davis’s claim that he has yet to
meet one reconstructed woman in the South; concludes that if the women are not
loyal, neither are the men.