Appendix A
Appendix A. PRÉCIS OF ALTERNATE TEXTS
In the following pages we provide information and précis for speeches Douglass
delivered that we have not printed because they largely repeat material contained
in other addresses that we have printed. The précis of these alternate texts follow
the titles of the speeches in this volume to which they are most closely related.
Précis of multiple alternate texts are presented in the chronological order in which
Douglass delivered them. The précis describe how the alternate texts differ from
the texts we chose for publication.
1. : DID JOHN BROWN FAIL? 30 MAY 1881. HARPERS FERRY, WEST VIRGINIA. c.9,000 words. Reprinted on pages 7-35.
a. UNDATED MANUSCRIPT, c. 1873. c.5650 words. Speech File, reel 20, frames
76-86, FD Papers, DLC. Gives a detailed account of the struggle over Kansas.
Derides the Missouri border ruffians as the worst rabble who ever served an
ignoble cause. Compares the intimidation tactics of the proslavery settlers in
Kansas with the activities of the Ku Klux Klan in the post-war South. Accuses the
proslavery settlers of initiating violence in Kansas. Condemns Franklin Pierce and
James Buchanan for trying to use the power of the presidency to insure a proslavery
victory in Kansas. Recalls that Governor Wilson Shannon, who was in sympathy
with the proslavery faction, organized the border ruffians as a militia. Recounts the
settlement of John Brown’s sons in Kansas in 1854, the decision of their father to
join them, and Brown’s involvement in the fighting against proslavery forces.
Emphasizes Brown’s habit of praying every morning and evening and before every
meal. Describes Brown’s appearance during his years in Kansas. Affirms that the
border ruffians revenged themselves against Brown by killing one of his sons.
Adds that Brown's other sons also suffered reprisal. Declares that Brown’s hatred
of slavery and his intention to invade the South predated his experiences in Kansas.
Notes that the governor of Missouri put a price of $3,000 on Brown’s head and that
President James Buchanan added $250 more. Believes that the success of Brown’s
invasion of Missouri with twenty men is the key to understanding his attempt to
invade Virginia with only twenty-one men. Points out that prior to Brown’s
adventures in Kansas his plan for invading the South did not resemble his tactics at
Harpers Ferry. Asserts that Hugh Forbes revealed Brown’s plan to raid Harpers
Ferry to John B. Floyd, secretary of war, who did not believe him. Rejects the
theory that Brown intended ultimately to overthrow the federal government; argues
that the constitution found among Brown’s papers was intended to relate only
to Brown’s own organization of conspirators and freed slaves. Relates details of
Brown’s preparations in the summer of 1859 for the invasion of Virginia. Posits
that Brown's decision to enter Harpers Ferry a week ahead of schedule was one of
the causes of his defeat: his allies in the free states who had received a call to join
him could not arrive in time to help, and slaves on surrounding plantations could
not organize quickly enough to come to his rescue. Describes the assault on
Harpers Ferry, including the taking of prisoners. Attributes Brown’s fatal decision
to delay his escape after seizing the arsenal to his solicitude for his prisoners and
his hope that he would be reinforced by blacks from neighboring farms. Notes that
Governor Henry A. Wise requested the aid of federal troops. Contrasts the brave
and humane behavior of Brown and his men during the battle with the cowardice
and cruelty of many of the local citizens. Suggests that the haste with which Brown
was tried was due to fear that sympathizers would try to rescue him. Comments
that Brown’s wife was escorted by soldiers from Harpers Ferry to Charlestown.
Remarks on the satisfaction which not only Virginia but also other southern states
found in Brown’s execution; lists South Carolina, Missouri, and Kentucky as
states which offered to supply the rope with which Brown would be hanged.
Mentions the executions of the six cohorts of Brown who had survived the raid.
Discusses the excitement generated throughout the country by the Harpers Feny
episode and contrasts it with the more restricted public response to the New York
City draft riots of 1863, which resulted in more destruction of property. Charges
Governor Horatio Seymour of New York with complicity in the draft riots. Affirms
that only radical abolitionists dared to call Brown a hero and martyr. Submits that
most Republicans spoke of Brown with indignation, rage, or, at best, pity. Quotes
Wendell Phillips as asserting that William H. Seward had tried to make Brown’s
gallows the saddle block from which to climb into the presidential chair. Alludes
pejoratively to Seward’s behavior as a member of Andrew Johnson’s cabinet.
b. SPEECH DELIVERED 18 NOVEMBER 1873, Fifteenth Street Presbyterian Church,
Washington, D.C. Summary, c. 1,700 words. Washington
19 November 1873. Affirms that John Brown’s widow was granted his body
through the intercession of Wendell Phillips. Regards society as the criminal at
Harpers Ferry rather than John Brown and his men. Observes that he has been
preceded in eulogizing Brown by many of the greatest men and women of New
England. Asserts that Brown proved his valor in Missouri and Kansas by fighting
fifteen hundred men with only his sons and one hundred compatriots. States that
the constitution found in Brown’s carpetbag was written at Douglass’s house and
that he possesses a copy in Brown’s handwriting. Rejects the theory that Brown
had planned to substitute his own constitution for that of the United States; affirms
that Brown intended for his constitution to protect the slaves whom he hoped to
rally around him in the mountains of Virginia. Comments that the citizens of prewar
Virginia were led by their guilt to sleep on their pistols as pillows. Considers
Brown a strangely eloquent preacher in the cause of liberty. Concludes that eloquent
pleading could not have prevented Brown from being hanged. Eulogizes
Brown as one who descended from the heaven of freedom to be a sacrifice to
slavery. Refers to a turning-point experience in Brown’s youth; sent to Kentucky to
deliver some cattle, he witnessed the flogging of a black youngster whom he had
befriended. Mentions, as an example of Brown’s frugality, a leather cravat that
Brown himself made and wore. Affirms that Brown saw slavery in a light so bright
that none of its deformities was hidden from him. Declares that Brown is to be
judged by divine law rather than legal enactments. Believes that the power that
energized Brown, whether insanity or religious zeal, is the same power that has led
the world to a higher and better civilization.
c. SPEECH DELIVERED 2 MAY 1883, Washington, DC. Manuscript, c.3,000
words. Speech File, reel 19, frames 352-63, FD Papers, DLC. Describes John
Brown’s involvement with Hugh Forbes, an English adventurer who professed
interest in Brown’s plans to invade the South. Comments on his own interactions
with Forbes, whom he did not fully trust. Notes that through Ottilia Assing, Forbes
was introduced to his German friends in New York. Recalls that when his German
friends began to resist Forbes’s repeated requests for money, Forbes threatened to
expose Brown’s project. Believes that he was the first to be informed of Forbes’s
behavior, which he immediately related to Brown. Mentions that his trip to Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, to meet with Brown only days before the raid on Harpers
Ferry included a stop in New York City at the home of James Gloucester and his
wife, who sent ten dollars by him to Brown. Affirms that in Chambersburg he was
directed to Brown’s camp by Henry Watson, a barber. Emphasizes that he learned
for the first time during the Chambersburg meeting that Brown definitely intended
to take Harpers Ferry. Gives account of the South’s fierce reaction to Brown’s raid.
States that on the evening of the raid he addressed a large audience in National Hall
in Philadelphia. Explains that after the raid, officials discovered letters and documents
in Brown’s carpetbag that seemed to implicate him along with Gerrit Smith,
Joshua Giddings, Samuel G. Howe, and Franklin B. Sanborn. Recalls that he was
lodging with an old friend, Thomas J. Hem, when he learned that orders had been
sent to have him arrested. Relates the urging of friends in Philadelphia that he leave
the city immediately. Recalls that Franklin Turner accompanied him to the ferry
docked at the Walnut Street wharf, where he feared an arrest attempt might occur.
Recounts arriving in New York at night and proceeding to the home of a Mrs.
Marks in Hoboken, New Jersey, where he spent an anxious night. Remembers
asking Ottilia Assing to send a telegram to Burton F. Blackall, the telegraph
operator in Rochester, instructing him to tell Lewis Douglass to secure all the
important papers in his father’s high desk. Affirms that he decided to return home
to Rochester despite the high risk of being arrested. Describes the assistance
rendered by Assing and a Mr. Johnson in traveling to Rochester without incident.
Explains that almost immediately upon his arrival, he was visited by Samuel D.
Porter and Lieutenant Governor Henry R. Selden, who advised him to flee to
Canada. Notes that Governor Henry A. Wise, being informed that he had left
Rochester for Michigan, asked the governor of Michigan to have him arrested and
turned over to Virginia.
2. : WHO AND WHAT IS WOMAN? 24 MAY 1886. BOSTON,
MASSACHUSETTS. c. 7,800 words. Reprinted on pages 247-63.
SPEECH DELIVERED 24 FEBRUARY 1885, Bethel Literary and Historical Association,
Washington, DC. Manuscript, c.7,500 words. Speech File, reel 19, frames
237-52, FD Papers, DLC. Another draft in Speech File, reel 19, frames 253-61,
FD Papers, DLC. Refers to the ridicule endured by the first generation of women’s
rights advocates. Believes that if all the demands of women are accepted, a
revolution in human relations will follow that will surpass even Martin Luther’s
reformation in its ramifications. Eulogizes Abby Kelley, Lucretia Mott, Sarah
Grimké, and Angelina Grimké for their conscience and courage. Declines to be
included among those who contend that women cannot succeed in winning the
right to vote. Submits that in their freedom to speak and write women already
possess what Archimedes thought was sufficient to move the world: a place for the
fulcrum of a lever. Affirms that even now no politician can afford to have the voice
of women against him. Maintains that the right to vote implies the right to hold any
office, even the presidency. Notes that he has been laughed at for supporting
woman suffrage; declares, however, that he will participate in any reasonable
efforts to give women political equality. Regards the charge that woman suffrage
tends to loss of religious faith as the most difficult to refute because it is cloaked in
religious authority. Observes that the leaders of many great reforms have had to
confront the charge of religious infidelity; mentions Galileo, Martin Luther, the
founding fathers, and William Lloyd Garrison. Criticizes Dr. William W. Patton,
president of Howard University, for drawing an absurd distinction between the
right to suffrage and the assertion of the right. Dismisses Dr. Patton’s claim that the
assertion of the right of woman suffrage is tainted by the support of infidels; asks
whether Robert G. Ingersoll’s admission of blacks to his meetings and the refusal
of evangelical Christians to admit them makes religious infidelity right and Christianity
wrong.
: PARTIES ARE TO BE JUDGED BY THEIR FRUITS. 25 OCTOBER 1888. NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT. c. 2,080 words. Reprinted on
pages 390-98.
a. SPEECH DELIVERED 29 SEPTEMBER 1888, Detroit Rink, Detroit, Michigan.
Stenographic, c.1,350 words. Detroit , 1 October 1888. Credits the Republican
party for his status as an American citizen. Assures that Benjamin Harrison
and Levi P. Morton compare favorably with Grover Cleveland and Allen G.
Thurman. Agrees with Roscoe Conkling that parties are more important than
presidents in the determination of policy. Notes that before his election Cleveland
advocated civil service reform and limitation of presidents to one term but afterwards
found himself unable to implement such changes. Criticizes “Young Hickory”
for violating his principles by spending $10,000 of his own money in his
reelection campaign. Refers briefly to Henry Watterson. Claims that the Democratic
party has been on the wrong side of every great question and cites the
purchase of the Louisiana Territory, the hunting of fugitive slaves, and the Civil
War. Reminds the Democrats that they said the country could never put down
slavery, resume specie payment, or pay the national debt. Cautions that although
the Democrats are trying to look like Republicans, they are the same old snake in a
new skin. Deplores the efforts of the Democrats to array the West against New
England and capital against labor. Rebukes Allen G. Thurman for denouncing
monopolies; suggests that monopolies are inevitable and that it is preferable for
them to be American rather than foreign. Concedes the sincerity of Clinton B. Fisk
in his attempt to establish the Prohibition party but urges Republicans to work for
prohibition within their own party. Expresses surprise that some blacks in Detroit
have organized the Negro—Democrat party. Warns that blacks cannot conciliate the
Democrats after the manner of the Irish because Democrats have no respect for
blacks. Accuses Democrats in the South of driving blacks from the ballot box with
shotguns and cart whips. Reminds the audience of the support they received from
black soldiers during the Civil War and mentions General Russell A. Alger of
Michigan. Appeals to whites to protect blacks.
b. SPEECH DELIVERED 15 OCTOBER 1888, Washington Rink, Rochester, New
York. Stenographic, c.2,300 words. Rochester , 16 October
1888. Expresses pleasure at returning to Rochester and renewing old acquaintances.
Recalls Senator William H. Seward’s emphasis on the dignity of
labor in Rochester’s Corinthian Hall thirty years ago. Remembers that he himself
supported the cause of free labor in Rochester forty years ago; all halls being
closed to him, he spoke while standing on a fence in Washington Square. Mentions
Presidents James A. Garfield and Andrew Jackson. Affirms that the free wool issue
will be successfully resolved on November 6. Charges that President Grover
Cleveland is trying to divert attention away from the free trade issue by taking a
threatening position toward England. Praises Benjamin Harrison as an honest man
who has grown immensely in the last few weeks. Believes that Levi P. Morton’s
geographical background is ideal. Mentions Warner Miller. Tells a parable in
which two brothers gave contradictory testimony before Lord Mansfield in a British
court; compares the elder brother, who admitted his unreliability, to the Democratic
party. Accuses Cleveland of violating promises regarding a second term, civil
service reform, and questionable voting procedures. Urges blacks to recognize
that the main issue in the election is whether they will be protected or destroyed by
the American eagle. Takes pride in being reproached for waving the bloody shirt.
Asserts the right of American industries to be protected against an influx of cheap
products made by poorly paid European labor. Appeals for justice to southern
blacks.
c. SPEECH DELIVERED 19 OCTOBER 1888, Music Hall, Buffalo, New York. Stenographic,
c. 1,450 words. Buffalo , 20 October 1888. Recalls that he was a
fugitive slave when he delivered his first speech in Buffalo about forty-five years
ago. Describes Benjamin Harrison as a gentleman, a scholar, and a patriot. Affirms
that Harrison’s admirable character is revealed in his approximately fifty
post-nomination speeches. Predicts that President Grover Cleveland will be remembered
as a man who won office by making professions that he proceeded
flagrantly to violate. Notes that Cleveland did not achieve the civil service reform
that he promised the Mugwumps. Quotes Roscoe Conkling on the greater importance
of parties, as against men, in American politics. Suggests that parties, like
families, have fixed characters to which voters should respond. Charges that the
South gains advantage over the North by violating the constitutional right of a free
ballot and a fair count. Denies that any old-fashioned Democrat has any respect for
blacks. Favors temperance but warns against bolting the Republican party in a
quest for prohibition; cautions that true statesmen see both what ought to be and
what can be. Deplores the extremely low wages paid to black farm laborers in the
South; affirms that the Irish under the cruel administration of Arthur Balfour enjoy
conditions superior to those of southern rural blacks. Speculates that southern
blacks are not fighting for their rights because they lack arms, ammunition, and
organization.
d. SPEECH DELIVERED JUNE-NOVEMBER 1888. Manuscript, c.2,100 words.
Speech File, reel 16, frames 326-37, FD Papers, DLC. Other drafts in Speech
File, reel 16, frames 346-58, 359-73, FD Papers, DLC. Emphasizes the importance
of the election of President James A. Garfield in 1880. Accuses President
Grover Cleveland of attempting to divert attention away from his support of free
trade by adopting an aggressive attitude toward England. Eulogizes Benjamin
Harrison as an honest man, fine scholar, able lawyer, and devoted patriot. Asserts
that Harrison’s fifty post—convention speeches demonstrate his ability. Contrasts
the mudslinging of the 1884 presidential campaign with the relatively dignified
conduct of the current campaign. Quotes Roscoe Conkling and Stephen A. Douglas
to support his contention that political parties are more influential than the
individuals they elect to office. Criticizes Cleveland for abandoning his professed
commitment to civil service reform, reform of campaign financing, and a single
presidential term. Notes that John Tyler failed as president because he lacked the
support of his party. Characterizes the Republican party as protectionist and progressive
and the Democratic party as anti-protectionist and reactionary. Submits
that for blacks the choice between the two parties is the choice between life and
death. Rejects criticism for waving the bloody shirt. Refers to Moses and David,
who, like himself, found it useful to review the past. Accuses the Democratic party
of having retained its antebellum priorities; it still is concentrated in the South and
stands with the South on all important issues. Contrasts the ratio of representatives
to actual voters in the South and North to emphasize his charge that the suppression
of the black vote in the South gives the Democrats an unfair advantage in the battle
over protectionism. Believes that the United States has the right to protect itself
from the effects of low industrial wages in Europe. Affirms that human progress is
served when each nation is responsible for its own protection. Maintains that the
free trade policy supported by President Cleveland would destroy American industry.
Disputes Allen G. Thurman’s contention that free trade would increase the
buying power of the working class. Argues that all classes of Americans would
benefit from economic protectionism.
4. : HAITI AND THE HAITIAN PEOPLE. 2 JANUARY 1893.
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS. c. 10,050 words. Reprinted on pages 509-34.
SPEECH DELIVERED 13 OCTOBER 1891, Metropolitan A.M.E. Church, Washington,
D.C. Stenographic, c.7750 words. Unidentified newspaper clipping in
Speech File, reel 16, frames 408-23, FD Papers, DLC. Other texts in Speech File,
reel 17, frames 363-78, FD Papers, DLC; Washington , 14 October 1891;
Washington , 14 October 1891 . Refers to a recent article in the Boston
that describes him as living in social isolation. Claims that some Afro-American
papers have sought to retire him from public life. Denies that his presence
on the public platform deters the development of younger, more ambitious men.
Points to Gladstone and John Quincy Adams as examples of speakers who flourished
in old age. Mentions Thomas Marshall and John Pierpont in recounting
Adams’s eloquent struggle for free speech in Congress. Admits that he cannot
speak now as effectively as in earlier years. Notes and rejects the New York
’s accusation that he had revealed state secrets in his public discourses
about Haiti. Affirms that he has spoken of nothing regarding Haiti that has not
previously become public knowledge and refuses to retract anything that he has
written or spoken. Believes that the interest in Haiti is increasing as the Columbian
Exposition approaches; reminds the audience that Haiti’s shores and mountains
were among the first to greet Columbus. Comments on Haiti’s location, proximity
to the United States, size, and languages. Maintains that any desirable crop will
grow in Haiti if properly cultivated. Asserts that horses, sheep, swine, and cattle
will also flourish in certain locations. Notes the prevalence and acceptance of
interracial marriage in Haiti. Expresses satisfaction with President Benjamin Harrison’s
performance during his first term, especially his sensitivity to the rights of
blacks; recommends that Harrison be reelected. Quotes Lord Henry Peter
Brougham. Mentions Theodore Parker’s tripartite classification of human greatness.
5. : SELF-MADE MEN. MARCH I893. CARLISLE, PENNSYLVANIA.
c. 13,150 words. Reprinted on pages 546-75.
SPEECH DELIVERED 22 APRIL 1873, Judah Hall, Louisville, Kentucky. Stenographic,
c.3,900 words. Louisville (Ky.) , 23 April 1873. Another
text in Louisville (Ky.) , 23 April 1873. Contrasts the technological
achievements of the nineteenth century with the continuing paucity of
mankind’s self-knowledge. Observes that civilization thrives on the banks of great
rivers.
6. : LESSONS OF THE HOUR. 9 JANUARY 1894. WASHINGTON,
D.C. c. 16,400 words. Reprinted on pages 576-607.
SPEECH DELIVERED 25 OCTOBER 1894, First Congregational Church, Lowell,
Massachusetts. Pamphlet, c.3,800 words. (New York 1894). Other texts in
Speech File, reel 17, frames 279-82, 283-85, 286-91, FD Papers, DLC; Boston
, 26 October 1894. Eulogizes the American Missionary Association for
beneficent work among southern blacks both before and after the Civil War.
Rejects the premise that the North performed its full duty to the black man in
restoring his freedom; argues that emancipation did not remove the tragic consequences
of slavery. Charges that even in New England blacks have suffered discrimination
in the workplace; cites his own experience fifty-six years earlier.
Admits the low state of morality among southern blacks but submits that their
collective experience over the last two hundred years could not have produced any
other result. Affirms on the ground of personal experience that many slaves
overcame degrading influence to become examples of fidelity, purity, and uprightness.
Denies that blacks have made little or no intellectual, moral, or material
progress since emancipation; urges whites to use reasonable criteria in estimating
their accomplishments and prospects. Asserts that American slaves were emancipated
under extremely unfavorable conditions. Notes that even despotic Russia
gave a plot of land and farming implements to its emancipated serfs and that when
the Jews left Egypt they were allowed to take their former masters’ jewelry.
Observes that substantial progress among southern blacks is indicated by the
amount of taxes they pay, the increase in the number of newspapers they own, and
the increase in black ministers, teachers, lawyers, and doctors. Reminds his
audience that the murder of blacks is not a new phenomenon in the South; refers to
the organization of the Ku Klux Klan shortly after the Civil War. Points to the
history of the Anglo-Saxon race, once slaves of the Normans, as an example of a
successful struggle for moral and cultural development.