Samuel Rhoads to Frederick Douglass, January 6, 1855
For Frederick Douglass' Paper.
MISS MINER'S SCHOOL AT WASHINGTON.
BLOCKLEY, near Philadelphia,
1st mo. 6th , 1855
RESPECTED FRIEND: F. DOUGLASS:—In thy paper of the 22nd of last month, I saw, with great regret, a letter signed by George T. Downing, and containing serious misapprehensions and unjust inferences relative to the School in Washington, taught by Myrtilla Miner. Extracts from this letter, have, I am sorry to say, appeared in the N. Y. Tribune and Evening Post. I am not surprised that its writer feels sensitive on the subject of Colonization; but this sensitiveness does not justify misapprehensions, or false imputations. It is proper to say that I offer the following remarks without the knowledge of M. Miner.
G. T. Downing represents the School as a "Colonization affair," and thinks there is not the "shadow of a doubt, but that Miss Miner's School is an auxiliary to the Colonization Society." It may well be supposed that this was a startling announcement to one who has been familiar with the establishment and progress of this School; who purchased, and, in connection with Thomas Williamson, holds the school house and lot, without knowing or suspecting that he was aiding and abetting an auxiliary to the Colonization Society! I believe that neither my friend Thomas Williamson nor myself has been known as a Colonizationist; and certainly I have ever regarded the Colonization scheme as productive of evil—and only evil—to the colored population of the United States; and I think G. T. D., with all his aptness to discover "Colonization tendencies and manifestations," would look in vain for any in the anti-slavery journal of which I was an Editor five years. What M. Miner's private sentiments are on the subject of Colonization I have not thought necessary to inquire; but, even supposing they are such as G. T. Downing avers, I cannot admit that they disqualify her for teaching a school of colored girls, or that the possibility of some of these becoming "principals of female seminaries in Liberia," is a good reason that they should not be educated.
G. T. D. misapprehends the reference of M. Miner to the education of the free colored people as a means of "relieving the country of those vexed question which disturb its peace, and agitate its leading minds." Does he rate her common sense so low as to suppose that she believes the education and expatriation of the FREE colored people — slavery remaining in full and increased force—would relieve the country, &c.? Can he doubt that the thorough education of the free colored population of the United States and their consequent elevation to their proper position—that of the white race—would be a powerful means of promoting the abolition of slavery, and, consequently, of relieving the country of those vexed questions, &c.?
Again, G. T. D. quotes a part of a sentence
—stopping at a comma, and omitting
parenthesis—and totally perverts M. Miner's
meaning in respect to the education of the
colored people in Washington—one half of
whom, she incidentally and in parenthesis,
remarks, are three-fourths white. She does
not ask, merely, why they may not have
schools, but why they may not have "FREE
schools, the same as any other class of
citizens;" and appeals to the justice of the
legislators of the District to provide appropriate
means for their education. No unprejudiced
person acquainted with M. Miner, can, for a
moment, believe that she would make any
distinction herself, between the pure blacks
and those "three-fourths white."
It is really painful to observe the
uncharitable and unjust construction placed by G.
T. D. on the testimonial of the Principal of
the Newton Institute in Mississippi, relative
to M. Miner's "unexceptional character." So
far was she from "adapting" herself to
"circumstances and opinions, so as to be
'unexceptional' to a Mississippi Principal and his
patrons;" that her "womanhood" did so
"revolt" at the "chilling and overpowering
horrors" of slavery, which she witnessed
during her residence in that State, that her
nervous system and all her bodily powers
became so completely prostrated, that it was
with difficulty she reached her home in the
North. From that moment—although eminently
qualified to teach in white seminaries
of the highest class, and, of course, able to
command a large salary—she resisted, under
strong convictions of duty and the deep
interest she felt in the welfare of the colored
people —not only of these "three-fourths
white"—to devote her life to the education
of colored females, and whatever sacrifice.
It is true that M. Miner was in the North
during the last summer vacation, accompanied
by two light colored pupils, whose fathers
were able to pay their travelling expenses;
but I believe she would as willingly
have had with her girls of "pure African
blood."
I might extend my remarks to some other
points, but I prefer to ask, in justice to M.
Miner and to the school, that thou wilt
publish with this communication, a few of the
many testimonials furnished by those who
are acquainted with the school and its
teacher.
Respectfully thy friend,
SAMUEL RHOADSRhoads, Samuel, Jr.
Samuel Rhoads, Jr. (c. 1807–68) was the son of Samuel Rhoads, a member of the Continental Congress and mayor of Philadelphia in 1774. He was educated at Haverford College in Philadelphia. An orthodox Quaker, Rhoads assisted Myrtilla Miner in the establishment of her school for African Americans in Washington in the early 1850s. Rhoads actively supported the antislavery movement and wrote Considerations of the Use of the Productions of Slavery, Addressed to the Religious Society of Friends (1845). On 20 June 1845, a group of Philadelphia Quakers, along with Rhoads, met to discuss the merits of a free-produce association. They met again on 19 September to ratify the constitution of the Philadelphia Free Produce Association of Friends (PFPA) to promote the abolishment of slavery by the purchase and manufacture of free-labor cotton and other goods. Samuel Rhoads was designated a manager of the free-labor store and participated in the Committee on Supplies and the Committee on Manufactures. He was the editor of the Non-Slaveholder, a publication used to disseminate information relative to the PFPA’s work, from 1846 until its closure in 1850. The mission of the PFPA was later carried out through the publication of the more liberal Friends’ Review: A Religious, Literary, and Miscellaneous Journal established in 1857. Rhoads assumed the editorship and remained editor of the Friends’ Review until his death. Ruth Ketring Nuermberger, The Free Produce Movement: A Quaker Protest against Slavery (Durham, 1942), 35n, 36, 65n, 96, 105, 107; Mabee, Black Freedom, 142, 202; BDUSC (online).
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