The Annexation of Texas: An Address Delivered in Cork, Ireland, on 3 November 1845
THE ANNEXATION OF TEXAS: AN ADDRESS DELIVERED IN CORK, IRELAND, ON 3 NOVEMBER 1845
Cork Examiner, 7 November 1845 (Supplement). Other texts in Cork Southern Reporter, 6 November 1845; Liberator, 12 December 1845; National Anti-Slavery Standard, 18 December 1845; Foner, Life and Writings, 5 : 10-13.
The Independent Chapel on George's Street was the scene of Douglass’s farewell address to the residents of Cork, Ireland, on the evening of 3 November 1845. Sponsored by the Cork Anti-Slavery Society, the meeting attracted a "most numerous and respectable audience," which included such persons as Sir George Munroe, a Scotsman and former Jamaican slaveowner turned abolitionist, Ralph Varian, secretary pro tem of the Cork antislavery organization, and Cork mayor Richard Dawden, who presided. The Cork Examiner of 7 November characterized the platform guests as "men of influence of our City." On 27 October the same paper had approved the manner in which Cork’s "suffering poor" were "thronging" to hear Douglass speak. The meeting began by offering a vote of thanks to the Cork Examiner and the Southern Reporter for having opened their columns to "anti-slavery intelligence" during Douglass’s visit. Ralph Varian then read an "Address to Frederick Douglass" from Cork's male and female antislavery societies. The lengthy document praised Douglass for his efforts in support of the "holy cause" and also paid tribute to other American abolitionists. The Cork societies assured Douglass that the visit five years earlier of another black abolitionist, Charles Lenox Remond, was "not forgotten" and that Remond himself was "still affectionately remembered." Once the address was completed, Douglass spoke on his previously announced topic, "The Annexation of Texas." Cork Examiner, 27 October 1845.
Mr. Douglass arose and was received with enthusiastic cheering. When it subsided he said—The sentiments of gratitude expressed by the meeting are in perfect unison with my own. Never was I held under greater obligations to the press, and to the proprietors of public buildings, than I have been since in Cork, and I express my sincere gratitude for it in behalf of the bondsmen. Particularly am I indebted to the press for their freedom in copying the few feeble words I have been able to say in this City, that they may return to my land, and sound terribly in the ears of
the oppressors of my countrymen. Mr. President, the address which has
been read, I certainly was not expecting.1Slightly different texts of the "Address to Frederick Douglass From Anti-Slavery Societies of Cork" appear in Cork Southern Reporter, 6 November 1845 and Cork Examiner, 7 November
1845 (Supplement), and Appendix A. I expected to go through the length and breadth of your country preaching to those who are ready to hear the groans of the oppressed. I did not expect the high position that I enjoy during my stay in the City of Cork, and not only there but in Dublin.
The object which we have met to consider is the Annexation of Texas to the United States. You have perhaps heard that in America when an individual has absented himself unaccountably for any time, such a person is said to have gone to Texas, few knowing where it is. Texas is that part of Mexico, bounded on the North by the United States, on the South side by the Gulf of Mexico. The extent of this country is not correctly known. It is as large as France—a most prolific soil—climate most salubrious. The facilities for commercial and agricultural proceedings are unsurpassed any where. A Mr. Austin2Moses Austin (1761—1821) was a merchant and mine owner who, on 17 January 1821,received permission from the Spanish commandant-general of the Eastern Interior Provinces of Mexico to settle 300 families in Texas. After Austin‘s death, his son Stephen Fuller Austin (1793-1836) took over the grant and in January 1822 established the first legal settlement of Anglo-Americans in Texas. Austin subsequently contracted to settle an additional 900 families, some 750 of which had actually arrived before the last contract expired in 1834. Before the establishment of constitutional government in Texas in 1828, Austin exercised sweeping executive and military power under the auspices of the newly independent Mexican government. He not only successfully blocked a provision for the immediate abolition of slavery in the state constitution of 1827, but also obtained in 1828 a state contract labor law which allowed the introduction of slaves to continue under the guise of indentured servitude. Writing to a cousin in 1835 he expressed his views on slavery concisely and unequivocally: Texas must be a slave country. It is no longer a matter of doubt. Eugene C. Barker, The Life of Stephen F. Austin, Founder of Texas, (Dallas, 1925), 147, 234, 237-42, 254-56; idem, ed., The Austin Papers, 3 vols. (Washington, D.C. and Austin, Tex., 1919-26), 3: 101-02; DAB, 1 : 435-40. obtained a grant of the Royal Government, to settle three hundred families in Texas, with an understanding that such families should obey the laws then existing, and also, that they should be members of the Roman Catholic religion. He succeeded in introducing 30 families. His son took up the business, and introduced three hundred families. Before he succeeded the revolution in Mexico severed the Mexican provinces from the crown, and the contract was rendered void. He made application to the new government, and obtained a similar contract. Other men in the west made similar applications to the Mexican Government. Among the
rest were Irishmen, and they were among the few who fulfilled their contracts.3lrishmen James Power, John McMullen, and James McGlain received empresario contracts from the Mexican government. Power, together with James Hewetson, contracted on 11 June 1828 to introduce 200 families to Texas, one-half of whom were to be Irish. In August 1828 McMullen and McGlain contracted to settle 200 families. Their settlement became known as "the Irish colony" and its principal town was called San Patricio or Hibernia. Mary Virginia Henderson, "Minor Empresario Contracts for the Colonization of Texas, 1825-1834," in Eugene C. Barker, ed., Readings in Texas History (Dallas, 1929), 86-102.
The consequence of making the Catholic religion a necessary qualification to settle in Texas afforded Opportunity for hypocrisy. A number of persons of Catholic persuasion entered the territory and made complaints. They succeeded in fomenting a revolt against the Mexican Government. Soon after the Texans managed to lodge complaints of oppression against it. Under these pretences they declared for religious freedom, applied to the United States for sympathy for religious liberty.4Despite official requirements that immigrants accept the Catholic faith, most early settlers in Texas seem to have enjoyed de facto freedom of worship. In 1834 the legislature of Coahuila and Texas guaranteed that no person would be "molested" for political or religious "opinions." Such pronouncements failed to satisfy many Texans, and in the 1836 Texas Declaration of Independence the rebels complained that the government of Mexico "denies us the right of worshipping the Almighty according to the dictates of our own conscience; by the support of a national religion calculated to promote the temporal interests of its human functionaries rather than the glory of the true and living God." Barker, Stephen F. Austin, 260-61; James K. Greer, "The Texas Declaration of Independence," in Barker, Readings in Texas History. 234-45.—After getting the property under conditions of submission they turn round for sympathy in a revolt in behalf of religious toleration. Mexico came forward nobly and abolished slavery in Texas. In open violation of this slaves were introduced. Mexico, outraged at this violation of her laws, attempted to compel obedience—this resulted in the revolution. Texas applied to the United States for assistance. Here came the deed that ought to bring down on the United States the "united" execration of the world. She pretended to be in friendly relation with Mexico. Her Congress looked on with indifference on the raising of troops to aid the slave-holding Texicans in wresting from the Mexicans, Texas.—Indeed they encouraged it. Texicans succeeded in holding at bay, the Mexican government. The United States with an indecent haste recognised the independence of Texas.5Texas declared its independence from Mexico on 2 March 1836. On 1 March 1837 the U.S. Senate recognized the "independent political existence" of Texas. Annie Middleton, "The Last Stage of the Annexation of Texas," in Barker, Readings in Texas History, 375-93. This was the preparatory step to the consummation of the Annexation to the Union. The object was that
of making Texas the market for the surplus slaves of the North American States.
The middle states of the United States are slave-raising states. In 1837 you might meet in Virginia, hundreds of slaves handcuffed and chained together, driving southward to be sold. The Southern States were formerly those where the slaves brought the highest price, but at present they are fully supplied with slaves; and there is a consequent reduction in the price of human flesh and bones. In 1836 slaves brought from 1,000 to 1,500 dollars; but a year ago the price was reduced to 600 dollars. The slave holders saw the necessity of opening a new country where there would be a demand for slaves. Americans should be considered a band of plunderers for the worst purposes. T. Coke6This is perhaps a garbled transcription of Douglass's reference to Democratic President James K. Polk. is the leader of the Whig party in America, he declared his intention not only to annex Texas, but Oregon. When he heard the British lion growl at this, he allowed that he considered it an open question. It was well he did, for the Americans ought to dread a war. Should they go to war with three millions of slaves in their bosom, only looking for the first favourable opportunity of lifting their arms in open rebellion? American statesmen are aware of this. The reasons they give for the annexation of Texas not only prove them to be rotten at heart but a band of dastards. They say that Mexico is not able to go to war, therefore we can take their country. I dare the Americans to reach their arms to Canada .—The conduct of America in this particular has not been sufficiently dwelt upon by the British Press. England should not have stood by and seen a feeble people robbed without raising a note of remonstrance.
l have done with the question of Texas—let me proceed to the general question. I will read you the laws of a part of the American states regarding the relation of master and Slave, the laws which created the row in the steam ship "Cambria," not because they are the worst I could select, but because I desire to have them remain upon your memory. If more than seven slaves are found together without a white person, 20 lashes a piece; for letting loose a boat from where 'tis moored 39 lashes, for the first, and for the second offence the loss of an ear. For having an article for sale without a ticket from his master, 10 lashes. For travelling in the night without a pass, 40 lashes. Found in another person’s quarters, 40 lashes. For being on horseback without a written permission, 3 lashes; for riding without leave a slave may be whipped, cropped or
branded with the letter A, on the cheek. The laws may be found in Heywood’s manual and several other works.7Douglass paraphrases various slave statutes enumerated in [Weld], American Slavery, 144. These laws will be the laws of Texas. How sound these laws, Irishmen and Irish women, in your ears? These laws as you are aware are not the worst, for one law in North Carolina makes it a crime punishable with death for the second offence, to teach a slave to read.
My friends, I would wish to allude to another matter in relation to the religious denominations of Cork. My friends, all I have said respecting their brethren in America has been prompted by a regard for the bondman. I know what slavery is by experience. I know what my experience has been at the hands of religionists. The Baptist or Presbyterian that would desire me not to tell the truth, is a man who loves his sect more than he loves his God (cheers). To you who have a missionary spirit I say there is no better field than America.—The slave is on his knees asking for light; slaves who not only want the bible but some one to teach them to read its contents (hear, hear). Their cries come across the Atlantic this evening appealing to you! lift up your voices against this giant sin (loud cheers).—Mr. President, I am glad to learn that the simple reading of my narrative by a minister in your town, was the cause of his preaching last Sabbath an able anti-slavery discourse (hear, hear).
My friends, labour on in this good work, for hearts on the other side of the Atlantic have long been cheered by your efforts. When England with one effort wiped from her West Indies the stain of slavery, turning eight million things into eight million beings8Douglass refers to the abolition of slavery in British colonies, achieved by parliamentary and colonial legislation between 1833 and 1838. The number of slaves emancipated in the West Indies was, of course, 800,000, not 8,000,000. from that time the bondmen in our country looked with more ardent hope to the day when their chains would be broken, and they be permitted to enjoy that liberty in a Republic, which was now enjoyed under the mild rule of a Monarchical Government. This infused amongst us a spirit of hope, of faith, of liberty. Thus you have done much, but don’t feel your power ceases here. Every one has an influence. ONLY SPEAK THE TRUE WORD—BREATHE THE RIGHT PRAYER—TRUST IN THE TRUE GOD—and your influence will be powerful against all wrong! (Loud and
continued applause.)
Your land is now being travelled over by men from our country,
their whole code of justice is based on the changing basis of the color of a man’s skin; for in Virginia there are but three crimes for which a white man is hung, but in the same state there are seventy-three crimes for which the black suffers death.9This assertion was probably based on Stroud, Laws Relating to Slavery, 107-09. I want the Americans to know that in the good city of Cork I ridiculed their nation—l attempted to excite the utter contempt of the people here upon them. O that America were freed from slavery! her brightness would then dazzle the eastern world. The oppressed of all nations might flock to her as an asylum from monarchical or other despotic rulers (applause). I do believe that America has the elements for becoming a great and glorious nation. Those three million of foes might be converted into three million of friends—but I am not going to say anything in her favor—I am an outlaw there—and 'tis time to bid you farewell! Mr. Douglass sat down amidst the most enthusiastic applause, which was again and again repeated.