For Frederick Douglass' Paper.

THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT vs. THE FREE COLORED PEOPLE.

MR. EDITOR:—The indifference and in
activity of the free colored people of the
county must, indeed seem strange and un
accountable to a person of another class. If
such a person did not understand their his
tory, and the State and National Legislation
which exists in regard to them, he would im
agine that there were in the the full enjoyment
of all their rights, social and political; that
they were reaping the glad fruition of a no
ble and manly course of conduct. And par
ticularly strange is this supineness on the
part of the "nominally fee," when it is re
membered that our age is one peculiarly dis
tinguished for the wonderful and astonishing
efforts that are being put forth by almost ev
ery other class, whether American or Euro
pean, for the achievement of their manhood,
and the rights, the obligations, and respon
sibilities, which belong to, and are insepara
ble from that manhood.

It is not my intention to say that the col
ored people have never manifested any desire
to have their rights. For this would not
be true. They have always had desire
enough; feeling seems to be the largest ele
ment in their constitution. Nor is it my in
tention to say that there have not been indi
viduals —a very few men and women—who
have done what they could with pen, and
tongue, and purse, to lift us from our degra
dation to a position of honor, dignity and
rank. What they have done, however, has
been more the result of accident, than the
result of a well-devised and harmonious
plan. For it is a fact that their efforts have
been directed more particularly toward the
abolition of slavery, and the amelioration of
the slave's condition, than toward the enfran
chisement and elevation of the prejudice
ridden colored man, whose position of par
tial freedom is barely tolerable. Nor is it
my design to ignore what already has be
come at once an interesting and lamentable
part of our history, as a distinct and pecu
liar class; that we have held State and Na
tional Conventions, and in these conventions
adopted many high-sounding, and sometimes
wholesome resolutions; and then have gone
home to let our liberty sentiments become
defunct--to let our resolutions, our pledges
to each other and the world, go unperformed
and unredeemed. As yet, our efforts have
been spasmodic. They appear to be rather
the effervescings of the sensibility than the
strong, persistent and manly determinations
of a heart in earnest, than the decisions and
purposes of a mind that comprehends and
understands our disabilities, hardships and
sufferings, and the means adopted to their
removal.

That we (the free colored people) have a
work peculiar to ourselves to perform, no
one can deny who understands our circum
stances. Our circumstances are not the cir
cumstances of the enslaved, those who are
chattels personal, "to all intents, construc
tions and purposes whatsoever." Nor are
they the circumstances of that other class of
persons in the South,, who are,
indirectly, most unfortunately situated in
their close proximity to the slave institutions
of our land. What, then, is our status in
this country? How do we stand nationally?
And what is our position in the several States
in which we live?

Whenever the Federal Government has
touched our interests, it has touched them
adversely. It has never proved itself anx
ious or even willing to do us even-handed
justice, but to do us all the injury and incon
venience in its power. Ample proof of this
averment will be found by reference to sun
dry enactments which blacken and disgrace
our national code. These enactments de
grade the free people of color by excluding
us from the , by prohibiting us from
driving , or from being a ,
under a penalty of fifty dollars, by
denying naturalization to foreigners of our
complexion, by subjecting us to odious and
barbarous disqualifications and restrictions in
the city of Washington, the Capitol of this
"Home of the brave and land of the free"—
and above all, in permitting us, under cer
tain circumstances, without trial, at the dis
cretion of the Marshal, . These are disa
bilities—disabilities imposed upon us by the
Federal Government, which seems to be wed
ded to oppression in bonds stronger than
death. The Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 is
also worthy of a prominent place in this
black catalogue. For it rests upon the as
sumption that we are all slaves, and then by
a summary proceeding denies us privilege
of making good our claim to freedom. And
all these enactments are in diametrical oppo
sition to the plain intent of the constitution,
the organic law of the nation. Indeed, the
Fugitive Slave Law is nothing more nor less
than a monstrous usurpation—an usurpation
as glaring as it is monstrous. Yet, in no in
stance do we find the national judiciary en
tertaining any such opinion. And, for this
obvious reason, that as the national executive
and the national legislature are influenced
and surged by the despotic power of the
country, so it the judiciary. It is the slave
of slavery. It owns neither its head nor its
heart. It has no judgment of its own, nor
conscience of its own. Its judgments and
decisions are those dictated by a bloody and
heartless despotism. If these things be true,
what must be our condition, when consider
ed from a national point of view? It is truly
deplorable, and with stentorian voice, and words of burning truth, it demands the united
and constant effort of every colored man
and woman in the country.

But, in addition to what has already been
said, the negro-hating disposition of the
General Government is also seen in its un
generous, dishonorable and despicable con
duct toward Libertia and Hayti, both free
and independent nations, with all the appliances
of national existence, and both have an
important and valuable commerce. Indeed,
Hayti is master of a commerce which the
United States can ill afford to lose. Not
withstanding all this, the United States Gov
ernment has steadily and persistently refused
to acknowledge their independence, and bid
them an honorable welcome to the family of
nations. But what is the cause of this ex
traordinary conduct on the part of the Gen
eral Government? This was not her course
towards Texas. No, indeed. The distinguish
ed William Jay, hitting the nail right on the
head, remarks, in his "view," as follows:—
"The conduct of the Federal Government
towards Texas and Hayti, places in a strong
light the influence of slavery on our national
council. The latter State has been inde
pendent both in name and in fact for thirty
seven years, yet we still recognize
her. Twelve months after, Texas declared
her independence; she was received by us
into the family of nations, and honored by
an interchange of diplomatic agents. For
thirty five years, the soil of Hayti has not
been trodden by an invader; only ten months
before the acknowledgment of Texas, a Mex
ican army was carrying terror and destruc
tion through its territory. That army had,
indeed, been defeated, but another was pre
paring to renew the contest. Hayti had
long been at peace with all the world. Mex
ico claimed Texas as its own, and solemnly
avowed its determination to chastise and
suppress the revolt. Hayti achieved her in
dependence after a long and arduous strug
gle with powerful armies, and has a popula
tion of a million to maintain it. Texas,
when acknowledged, could appear only to the
fortunate result of a single battle as evidence
of her national power, while she had no
more than 60,000 inhabitants to contend
against the eight millions of Mexico. With
Hayti, we had a large and valuable com
merce, while our commerce with Texas was
only in expectancy. Yet, has slavery es
tranged our Government form the one na
tion, and led it to welcome to its embrace another, incomparably inferior in political strength
and moral worth" These were the
words of Mr. Jay in 1844; and they are as
full of truth to-day as they were at the time
of their utterance.

But I have said enough to indicate our
national standing, and to show what it
be, since the Government is by a
tyrannical and despotic spirit. In my next,
by a reference to facts connected with our
history, I will show condition in the sev
eral States.

Yours,

OHIO.

FRUIT GROVE, March 2, '55.