FROM OUR PROVIDENCE CORRESPONDENT.

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DEAR DOUGLASS:—Your last number contains a letter from our mutal friend CommunipawSmith, James McCune

James McCune Smith (1813–65), a prominent black physician, abolitionist, and writer, was born in New York City to an enslaved father and a self-emancipated mother. He attended the New York African Free School, but was denied admission to Columbia University, Geneva Medical College, and the New York Academy of Medicine. He turned to the University of Glasgow in Scotland, where he received a B.A. (1835), M.A. (1836), and M.D. (1837). Upon returning to New York, he opened a pharmacy and medical practice that catered to both blacks and whites. He became involved in the abolitionist movement, serving as an associate editor of the Colored American in 1839, contributed regularly to the Anglo-African Magazine, and wrote correspondence for the North Star and Frederick Douglass’ Paper under the pseudonym “Communipaw.” Smith also wrote the introduction to Douglass’s second autobiography, My Bondage and My Freedom (1855). In 1861, Smith helped finance the revival of the Weekly Anglo-African to oppose black colonization and emigration, and he was a prominent member of the New York City Young Men’s Association, the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, and the New York African Society for Mutual Relief. He was the sole attending physician of the Society for the Promotion of Education Among Colored Children, a member and vestryman of St. Philip’s Episcopal Church, and a trustee of the New York Society for the Promotion of Education Among Colored Children. In 1863 Wilberforce College appointed Smith professor of anthropology, but illness kept him from assuming his post. Lib., 1 June 1838; FDP, 18 May 1855; Douglass Papers, ser. 2:7–19; Miller, Search for a Black Nationality, 243; Pease and Pease, They Who Would Be Free, 90–92, 103, 110; Quarles, Black Abolitionists, 115, 134; Rhoda G. Freeman, “The Free Negro in New York City in the Era before the Civil War” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1966), 40–42, 177, 186, 195, 200, 247, 276, 286, 325, 353, 393; DAB, 27:288–89. , addressed to Philo; who would reply to the same.

First, in relation to the Ball given by the Boston Whist Club: It was a very creditable affair—one in every respect worthy of the highest intelligence, refinement, and beauty, that New York, or any other city can produce. I verily believe that Communipaw would have been there, not only in spirit, as he was; but in person tangible, could he

"Caper nimbly in a Lady's Chamber
To the lascivious pleasings of a lute;"

but he is

"Not shaped for sportive tricks;"

nor was another long-eared animal, that bides its time; he would have felt himself as much a stranger in the virtuous and innocent exercises of that evening, as did the animal above alluded to, when invited to the great gathering of beasts.

As to the morality of the affair, I may call Communipaw himself to testify, and prove by the gentleman, that that, to which he would now object, is an essential to the very existence of Negrodom. I have not time to refer to the file, but he will recollect.

Communipaw estimates the cost of the ball to be two thousand dollars—if this assertion was not recklessly made, it proves that the gentleman is more at home in administering volatile oil of the Pinus Paluctris to kittens, than in giving estimates. The ball

(got up strictly on Temperance principles) did not cost one-thirteenth part of what he asserts, while it afforded entertainment for, and did entertain as many persons as it cost dollars; showing that each person was not taxed more than Communipaw has been in the habit of being taxed for kids; (price one dollar;) a necessary appendage, which he wears along with a mustache cultivated for the occasion; when he takes his seat in one of the lower circles of the Aristocratic Academy of Music, not speaking of the West Broadway woodcock, that he indulges in after the opera.

"Allow me to congratulate you" (Communipaw) "upon turning your attention to" (propriety of conduct;) "among others, I have lived in the belief that you did not know of the existence of some of the smaller" works of consistency.

My temperment does not allow me to be despondent; for ever depressed, I can meet and enjoy myself with my friends, whether in "the mazy dance," or at a game of chess, or at the social board, sans the wine, sans the Havana; all without yielding my "senses captive;" and so can Communipaw, all but the dance, but including wine and the Havana.

My dear Communipaw seems to fancy that we are enjoying a perfect elysium here; he is mistaken, we have things to strive for, and are striving. It is true that through well directed effort. we are in advance of New York; but this is the result of work, instead of New York's prerogative, talk. When will New York begin, and when will she act? and I speak more particularly of my native city. Where is the New York Library Society? The laws of New York give to the little Communipaws and the rest of "Negrodom," the right to attend the public schools of their respective districts, in which they reside. Why is it that this right is not enjoyed by "Negrodom?" Is it satisfied to be proscribed, that it does not test the matter?

There is a proscriptive clause in the Constitution of the State of New York, which says, that before a colored man shall vote, he must be "seized and possessed of a freehold estate of the value of two hundred and fifty dollars over and above all debts and incumbrances charged thereon." Will Communipaw inform me of the first real thing that has been done towards having this proscriptive and humiliating law abolished— except you may say, "we have jawed?"

"The flighty purpose never is undertook
Unless the deed go with it."

What artifices have you made? How many lecturers have you supported to traverse the State and influence those that can alter this? A portion of "Negrodom" go to the polls on the election day, and vote for pro-slavery men; they do so, notwithstanding they are professedly of the Liberty party, Radical Abolitionist. Help those that help themselves.

Dear Douglass, it is being urged upon our Legislature, and with some hope of success, to grant to a military company of this city, composed of colored men, a charger. We maintain that the action of Congress in May 1792, making it imperative upon every able-bodied white male citizen, between the ages of eighteen and forty-five years, to be enrolled in the militia, does not necessarily exclude the enrollment of colored citizens and that our State has the right, if it will, to enroll them.

The Young Men's Christian Association of this city, discussed, a short time ago, whether the question of slavery would be made a political question; it was able discussed in the affirmative, but not so well supported in the negative. There was a Southerner present who thought that he would render service to the negative side. He arose and stated that he was not a member of the association, that he was a stranger, but would like to participate in the discussion. The request was granted; when he gave the usual pro-slavery defence. After he sat down, Philo arose, and stated that not being a member of the association, he would ask permission to say something in favor of the affirmative, the discussion was continued through three evenings, when "Radical Abolitionism" was thrown at them, and as I believe, with some effect.

A few words more with our friend How of his connexion with the Industrial School? Let him hug his darling, if he will; command it; but in the embrace he should have regard for consistency. He should bear in mind that certain other laws are alike binding upon us with those of health. He must know that we are aware that language may be used to conceal ideas and facts, as well as to express them. Yet it is not always prudent. What does wish us to understand by his letter in your paper of the 26th ult., in speaking of the proposed Industrial School in connection with the late Convention held in Philadelphia wherein he says, "that the Industrial School was not brought before the Philadelphia Convention." What can it mean in view of a certain report submitted by the Philadelphia delegation, which report was discussed and adopted by the Convention; which report maintained that Communipaw's "kitten," the proposed Industrial School, was impraticable, "inadvisable." Will Communipaw put us in rapport with him, that he may be understood?

I should think that Communipaw's "effervescence" had not quite passed off, for he again says in the same letter speaking of the Convention that "such was the hurry of business after the first usual effervescence had passed off, that the importance of the press and two valuable books, just issued by colored authors, were passed over in silence by the Convention."—What are the titles of those books? Who are the authors? The Convention very appropriately made time to notice "MY BONDAGE AND MY FREEDOM, BY FREDERICK DOUGLASS," and "THE COLORED PATRIOTS OF THE REVOLUTION, BY WM. C. NELL." I think that Communipaw has successfully demonstrated that he is quite at home in the knowledge of know nothing, about which I have not "two opinions."

PHILO.

PROVIDENCE, R.I., February 20th.