BOSTON, June 2nd, 1856.

The excitement in relation to the villainous
outrage upon Mr. Sumner has not abated.—
The fountain of popular indignation through
out this section of the country is inexhaustible.
For once, I think the tame conservatism of
Massachusetts is partially aroused. What it
will result in, remains yet to be seen. The
Legislature have taken prompt action in the
matter, and have demanded the expulsion of
Mr. Brooks. I wish I could believe, that, in
case the House should refuse to accede to this
demand, our Legislature would have the "back
bone" to call our Senators and Representatives
home. This dissolves the Union, "let it
slide."

The New England Anti-Slavery Society held
their Anniversary in the Melodeon, on Tuesday,
Wednesday, and Thursday. The attendance
was very large. Messrs. GarrisonGarrison, William Lloyd

William Lloyd Garrison (1805-79) was the foremost white abolitionist of the nineteenth century and was credited with the discovery of Douglass as a speaker at an antislavery meeting in Nantucket in 1841. He began his career as an apprentice printer on the Newburyport (Mass.) Herald at the age of thirteen. Garrison became editor of the Newburyport Free Press in 1826, but the paper closed within a year. He was then associated with a series of periodicals in Boston that advocated reform before Benjamin Lundy offered the young journalist the opportunity to write for his antislavery newspaper. Garrison joined Lundy in editing the Genius of Universal Emancipation in Baltimore, Maryland, in 1829, during the last year of the paper's 1821-1830 run. In 1830 a libel suit against the editors forced the paper to close and landed Garrison in jail. After his release, he courted the wealthy merchants of New York and Boston in order to start the Liberator (1831-65), a weekly journal based in Boston in which he advocated an immediate end to slavery. Garrison's brand of abolition condemned any institution that would tolerate the existence of slavery, including churches, political parties. and even the United States itself and any scheme aimed at removing black people from the country. Instead, Garrison hoped to raise the public's awareness that slavery was morally wrong and thereby force its end in an almost millennial moment of emancipation. His approach appealed to both white and black antislavery advocates but earned him many enemies among those only moderately opposed to slavery and slaveholders alike. Seeing the need for greater action and organization beyond the pages of the Liberator; Garrison joined with other abolitionists to form the New England Anti-Slavery Society in 1831. Two years later he helped found the larger American Anti-Slavery Society. In 1833 he established ties with English abolitionists after a trip to Great Britain, and he later brought the noted and notorious speaker George Thompson to the United States for a tour. Garrison also dedicated himself to women's rights, encouraging women to enter the public sphere by inviting them, via the Liberator, to form female antislavery societies. In addition to the thirty-three women's antislavery societies that flourished by 1838, Garrison's American Anti-Slavery Society welcomed women as well as blacks into its ranks. However, female delegates were excluded from the World's Anti-Slavery Convention of 1840 in London. The issue of women's participation in the antislavery movement and Garrison's absolute refusal to turn to politics to end slavery caused a division in the American Anti-Slavery Society. Brothers Lewis and Arthur Tappan, who opposed women's acting as speakers and who hoped to use politics toward abolition, broke with Garrison's American Anti-Slavery Society, forming the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, or the "New Organization" in 1841. Garrison's ideas were so closely associated with the "Old Organization" that the American Anti-Slavery Society became known simply as the "Garrisonians." With the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment in 1865, Garrison believed that he had accomplished his life's work and that of the antislavery movement. He then resigned from the presidency of the American Anti-Slavery Society and closed the Liberator. Wendell Phillips Garrison and Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879: The Story of His Life Told by His Children, 4 vols. (New York, 188589); Henry Mayer, All on Fire: William Lloyd Garrison and the Abolition of Slavery (New York, 1998); James Brewer Stewart, William Lloyd Garrison and the Challenge of Emancipation (Arlington Heights, Ill., 1992); John L. Thomas, The Liberator: William Lloyd Garrison (Boston, 1963); Dictionary of American Biography, 20 vols. (New York, 1928-36), 7:168-72. , PhillipsPhillips, Wendell

Boston-born and Harvard-educated Wendell Phillips (1811-84) ranked second only to Garrison in influence in the American Anti-Slavery Society in the 1840s and 1850s. Bored with the legal profession and influenced by his antislavery fiancee, Ann Terry Greene, Phillips dedicated himself to abolitionism beginning in 1837. A highly gifted orator, Phillips was in demand as a lecturer even in nonabolitionist circles. Besides abolition, Phillips championed woman suffrage, prohibition, penal reform, Indian rights, and legislative protection for workers. When Garrison retired from the presidency of the American Anti-Slavery Society in 1865, Phillips assumed the post and led abolitionists until passage of the Fifteenth Amendment in 1870. James Brewer Stewart, Wendell Phillips: Liberty's Hero (Baton Rouge, La., 1986); Irving H. Bartlett, Wendell Phillips: Brahmin Radical (Boston, 1961); DAB, 14:546-47. , Re
mondRemond, Charles Lenox

Charles Lenox Remond (1810-73), the first black lecturer hired by any antislavery society, was born in Salem, Massachusetts, to the daughter of a black hero of the American Revolution and a former slave from Curaçao. In his youth, he learned about the horrors of slavery from his father and experienced the segregation and discrimination practiced by Northern whites. In the late 1820s and early 1830s, Remond read David Walker’s Appeal and became acquainted with William Lloyd Garrison, which led him to dedicate his life to abolitionism. Remond became active in reform movements at an early age. A member of the Colored Association of Massachusetts when it merged with the New England Anti-Slavery Society in 1833, he became an officer in the latter organization. He became an agent for the Liberator and joined the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society shortly thereafter. In 1838 he began lecturing for the American Anti-Slavery Society. Both his color and his ability made him a very popular speaker in both the United States and Great Britain, where he attended the World’s Anti-Slavery Convention as a delegate in 1840 in London. Remond was the sole black lecturer for antislavery societies until Frederick Douglass began speaking in 1842. For a time, Remond and Douglass worked the lecture circuit together. Douglass admired Remond, the more experienced speaker, and named a son for him. Remond traveled and lectured in the British Isles for some sixteen months. Upon his return, Remond was employed as a lecture agent by the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society. Through the 1840s, however, Remond remained a steadfast Garrisonian while Douglass began to favor political action to end slavery, and their friendship suffered. Their close association was troubled as a rift between Douglass and Garrison threatened, and in 1852 Remond announced his intention to cancel his subscription to Frederick Douglass' Paper in protest against Douglass's adoption of non-Garrisonian views of the U.S. Constitution. Their goals, however, remained the same, and like Douglass, Remond recruited black soldiers for the Massachusetts Fifty-fourth Infantry Regiment during the Civil War. After the war, just before his death, Remond urged abolitionists to continue their fight by combatting the racial prejudice that persisted in both the North and South after the end of slavery. Illness curtailed his reform activities after the war. Les Wallace, "Charles Lenox Remond: The Lost Prince of Abolitionism," NHB, 40:696-701 (May-June 1977); William E. Ward, "Charles Lenox Remond: Black Abolitionist, 1838-1873" (Ph.D. diss., Clark University, 1977); FDP, 20 May 1852; New York Daily Times, 26 December 1873; NNE, 8 January 1874; Pease and Pease, They Who Would Be Free, 46; NCAB, 2:303; DAB, 15:499-500. , Foster, ParkerParker, Theodore

Theodore Parker (1810-60), Harvard-educated Unitarian clergyman and reformer, was among the most erudite of all New England transcendentalists. Born in Lexington, Massachusetts, he taught at Boston-area private schools from 1831 until 1842 and graduated from Harvard Divinity School in 1836. After his ordination in 1837, Parker preached mainly at his West Roxbury church until 1845, when he resigned and accepted the pastorate of the new Twenty- Eighth Congregational Society of Boston. There he attracted a large, socially diverse and racially integrated following. The author of numerous tracts, sermons, and published addresses, he also edited the Massachusetts Quarterly Review throughout its three-year existence. Although he criticized some Garrisonian positions, Parker joined in the antislavery cause after 1845, attacking slavery on moral and economic grounds but basing his most militant abolitionism on the belief that black emancipation would prepare the way for further Anglo-Saxon dominance. As a member of the Boston Vigilance Committee he gave frequent aid to escaped bondsmen, actively resisted the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, and was indicted for his role in the Anthony Burns case. An outspoken proponent of the admission of Kansas as a free state, Parker hosted a meeting in 1858 at which John Brown disclosed his plans for a raid on Harpers Ferry, Virginia. Parker was among the "Secret Six" who supported John Brown's raid on the federal arsenal at Harpers Ferry, Virginia, in 1859. Suffering from declining health, Parker traveled to the Caribbean and then Europe, where he hoped to improve his condition. Instead he died of tuberculosis in Florence, Italy, on 10 May 1860, where he was buried. Renehan, Secret Six, 37-46; Henry Steele Commager, Theodore Parker (Boston, 1960); C. Peter Ripley, ed., The Black Abolitionist Papers, 5 vols. (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1985- 92), 4:52; Fredrickson, Black Image in the White Mind, 119-21, 157-58; ACAB, 4:654-56; DAB, 14:38-41; ANB, 17:43-44. , Burleigh, Brown, Locke
and PillsburyPillsbury, Parker

The outspoken abolitionist orator, editor, and author Parker Pillsbury (1809-98) was born in Massachusetts but moved to Henniker, New Hampshire, where he farmed and worked as a wagoner until 1835. The local Congregational church there encouraged him to pursue the ministry. Pillsbury graduated from New Hampshire's Gilmanton Theological Seminary in 1838 and studied an additional year at Andover before accepting a church in Loudon, New Hampshire. Converted to abolitionism in Andover, Pillsbury incurred the displeasure of his congregation with sharp attacks on the churches' complicity with slavery. After his license to preach was revoked in 1840, he became lecturing agent for the New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and American antislavery societies, posts he held for over two decades. He edited the Concord (N.H.) Herald of Freedom in 1840 and again in 1845 and 1846 and the National Anti-Slavery Standard in 1866. He lectured widely, often in the company of Stephen S. Foster, and earned a reputation for his successful use of nonresistance in dealing with hostile crowds. Although he served on the executive committee of the New Hampshire Non-Resistance Society, he was among the strongest defenders of John Brown after the Harpers Ferry raid. During the Civil War, Pillsbury criticized Union war aims, especially before the Emancipation Proclamation, and in 1865 broke with Garrison over the necessity for continued activity by the American Anti-Slavery Society. Pillsbury helped to draft the constitution of the feminist American Equal Rights Association in 1865, served as vice president of the New Hampshire Woman Suffrage Association, and in 1868 and 1869 edited a weekly, Revolution, with Elizabeth Cady Stanton. Pillsbury completed his abolition memoirs, Acts of the Anti-Slavery Apostles, in 1883. Stacey M. Robertson, Parker Pillsbury: Radical Abolitionist, Male Feminist (Ithaca, N.Y., 2000); James M. McPherson, The Struggle for Equality: Abolitionists and the Negro in the Civil War and Reconstruction (Princeton, N.J., 1964), 59-60, 100-102, 305-07; Mabee, Black Freedom, 112, 221-23, 329; Filler, "Parker Pillsbury," 315-37; DAB, 14:608-09. , were the speakers. On Wednes
day evening, some six or seven hundred assem
bled in Faneuil Hall at the collation given to
welcome Mr. Pillsbury. Mr. Edmund Quincy
presided; and speeches were made by Messrs.
Quincy, Garrison, Phillips, Purvis, Remond,
and Robinson. The arrangements were good,
and it was a success. During the sessions of
the Convention much time was used in criticiz
ing and debating the consistency of Mr. Sum
ner's course. Mr. Foster was very severe upon
him, and considered him and his policy danger
ous to the cause of the salve. Mr. Sumner
was partially defended by Messrs. Phillips and
and Garrison. I think, upon reflection, they
must admit that Mr. Sumner is both consistent
and honest. The last quality was not disputed.
Mr. Sumner made a great speech some two
years since declaring "Freedom National—
Slavery Sectional;" he did not say that he re
garded Slavery as supported by the Constitu
tion. The last speech that he made in this
city, last year, at a grand rally in Fanueil Hall,
he said that there was not a word in the Con
stitution sanctioning chattel Slavery; and he
then and there challenged discussion on that
point. This, in my mind, makes Mr. Sumner's

course consistent. He understands the Con
stitution as an anti-slavery document, and as
such, he swears to support it, "as he under
stands it." The position may be false, but it is
consistent; and I regret that Mr. Foster did
not know Mr. Sumner's position, before he cen
sured him so severely. I regard Mr. Sumner
as one of the greatest and best statesmen that
the world ever produced. I know he has the
confidence of the oppressed, in whose behalf he
has labored so devotedly. I was anxious to have
a word to say on the resolutions, but misunder
stood the arrangements, and, was necessarily
crowded out. I was a little provoked at this,
and wanted to complain of somebody, but as it
was my own fault, I could only resolve to do
better in future.

A resolve is on the tapis in the House, which
proposes to grant $20,000 to the Kansas suf
ferers. It is bitterly opposed by the Border
Ruffian party.

An amendment to Mr. Hale's amendment re
repealing the Personal Liberty Laws of 1855, was
passed to be enacted on Thursday, substituting
the majority report of the Committee, and leav
ing the bill in its original state with Section 9,
10, 11, 12, 13, and 15, of the original bill, and
Sections 6 and 10 of the substitute repealed.—
It came up in the Senate on Thursday, and was
indefinitely postponed. Yeas, 25—nays, 6.—
Mr. Odiorne moved a reconsideration, which was
lost. The bill is now in , and is liable
to remain so. The outrage upon Mr. Sumner
has saved us this Law, which is but the com
mencement of the reaction which is yet to take
place.

A Mass and Delegate State Convention will
be held in the city of Worcester on Wednes
day, to nominate delegates to the Philadelphia
Convention on the 17th of June.

ROCK.