NOTES BY THE WAY.

The 'irrepressible conflict!' This is the phrase which leaps from every heart, glistens
in every eye, and trembles upon every tongue. The illustrious and gifted Senator who thrust it with startling energy into the ranks of the belligerents, uttered no new idea, but proclaimed a truth as old as the conflict between Right and Wrong, Justice and Injustice, God and Baal. Modern Democracy made itself superlatively ridiculous by going into fits about it, forgetting the conchological conflict in its own ranks, and thinking of nothing but hanging Wm. H. Seward, or, if he were not sufficiently patriotic, to submit, for the good of the country, to such an arrangement, then the Fourth of July must be driven out of the calendar, and the Union dissolved in as many gallons of blood as there are baby-stealing States in the Union.

But Mr. Seward still lives, and the brazen-faced Fourth of July may be seen at a short distance, dashing along with characteristic impudence, to the graceful quickstep of 'Hail Columbia,' and wearing in its blood-stained belt the riot Act soon to be read by Senator Douglas, for the dismemberment of the Republican Part. Meanwhile, the conflict waxes hotter and hotter. Satan, the presiding genious of the present mal-Administration, cometh down in great wrath, because his time is short. James Buchanan, who has dived deeper and come up filthier than any mortal who has yet attempted to sound the depths of political corruption and infamy, declares that he will soon ' retire' from the Presidency! Of course, he is a self-sacrificing patriot, as it is optional with to give Presidential dinners for four years longer. The people have nought to say or do in the matter. This being the case, is it not a wonder (the negroes not being yet crushed) that the old gentleman does not consent to remain Dictator 'while life and health, and being last?'—No, no; it is useless to persuade him, he is

determined to ' retire.' Reader, did you ever see a wharf rat, a fine, fat, sleek, greedy specimen of upper random? A common house rat is not a 'circumstance' to a pure wharf-rat. He lives on or rather in our public wharves, and provides for himself and family, very comfortably at the public crib.—He remains in his house sometimes without molestation for years; the raging elements as yet have not reached him; but wait, his time must come. By and by, the winds whistle around him, and the rains descend in 'irrepressible' torrents, the water in the harbor rises to an unprecedented height, and for fear of being drowned, he 'voluntarily retires' from his position! Just so, dear reader, will Mr. Buchanan 'voluntarily retire.'

'You who have tears to shed, Prepare to shed them now.'

But I must not stop to congratulate the reader of these desultory jottings upon the cheerful prospect of this 'voluntary' retirement. I took up my pen to give a brief sketch of my recent tour through Jefferson County. In that County, there is a considerable quantity of unadulterated Abolitionism, the genuine article. There are some men of the Gerrit SmithSmith, Gerrit

Gerrit Smith (1797– 1874), a New York businessman and land speculator, became best known for his philanthropic work for such reform causes as temperance and abolition. Between 1828 and 1835, he donated large sums of money to the American Colonization Society, but abandoned that movement in 1835 when his sympathies shifted to the immediate abolitionists. In the 1840s, he gave approximately 140,000 acres of land in upstate New York to three thousand black settlers, thus qualifying them to vote. Smith was a founder and frequent candidate of the Liberty party, running for governor of New York on that ticket in 1840 and winning a seat in Congress in 1852. When the Free Soil merger with moderate antislavery Democrats and Whigs lured away many Liberty party supporters, Smith helped bankroll that organization until 1860. Smith befriended Douglass when the latter moved to Rochester, and Smith frequently helped finance Frederick Douglass’ Paper. Like Douglass, Smith supported John Brown, but psychological stress caused by the failure at Harpers Ferry brought on the first of a series of bipolar episodes that greatly reduced his subsequent reform activities. Ralph Volney Harlow, Gerrit Smith: Philanthropist and Reformer (1939; New York, 1972); Gerald Sorin, The New York Abolitionists: A Case Study of Political Radicalism (Westport, Conn., 1971), 269– 87; Lewis Perry, Radical Abolitionism: Anarchy and the Government of God in Antislavery Thought (Ithaca, N.Y., 1973), 170– 80; John R. McKivigan and Madeleine Leveille, “The ‘Black Dream’ of Gerrit Smith, New York Abolitionist,” Syracuse University Library Associates Courier, 20:61– 76 (Fall 1985); NCAB , 2:322– 23; DAB, 17:270– 71. stamp, who still believe in voting only for those who are, in every respect, a perfect embodiment of their Principles. These, of course, gave me quite a scolding for my course during the gubernatorial contest which resulted in the election of four present gifted Governor. Some of them were prejudiced against me in consequence of the wholesale falsehoods which appeared, day after day, in . But in every case, five minutes' conversation with these brethren dissipated their prejudices and justified in their sight the wisdom and necessity of my policy. The colored people of this State wish the Elective Franchise. They pursued the only course to get it, and, in view of the action of our Republican Legislature, have no regrets to offer. And my humble word for it, the wisdom of our policy will be fully demonstrated, when the people are called upon to adjudicate the question of suffrage or no suffrage, if the colored citizens of the State

come up to the work and do duty. The time some of them expend in denouncing the Republican Party for its short-comings, could be spent to better advantage in denouncing their own want of energy, their suicidal inactivity. Republicans can do nothing for us, unless we do something for ourselves. Let us, then, cease our croaking about the short-comings of this Republican and that, look at our own frailties, heal our own chronic maladies, and soon as will be well with us without going to Africa, to get the gospel, or to carry it; to get civilized, or civilize others; to cheat some of the natives with bad rum, as some are now doing, or to pick cotton for the glory of God and the good of souls.

But apologizing for this digression, I return to my tour in Jefferson County. Whether viewed in the light of the very large audiences addressed, or the interest awakened in behalf of the cause, that was decidedly the most successful tour ever made by the writer. In many instances, no Church or Hall could be found large enough to accommodate all who desired to hear. The people were especially interested in the discussion of the Equal Suffrage question.

My first meeting was at Depanville, in the Baptist Church. The audience was very attentive, and but for another engagement, I should have yielded to the many cordial invitations to lecture there again. Mr. Erastus Wright and family will please accept my thanks for their hospitality.

Perch River was my next appointment.—Here I lectured in the Union Church, and have reason to believe that some good was effected. This is the home of Hugh Smith, Esq., one of the most intelligent men, and one of the most devoted and consistent Abolitionists within the circle of my acquaintance. I shall never forget my visit with his interesting family. Here the weary, foot-blistered fugitive from the paradisiacal beatitudes of the 'the peculiar institution' can always find a home, the bloody barbarities of the Fugitive Slave Bill to the contrary not withstanding.

The writer is very much indebted to Mr. Smith and also to Mr. Spicer, the Republican

Supervisor, for their valuable aid in facilitating the arrangements for my meetings in various parts of the County. To brother Smith, and others, I offer the homage of a grateful heart.

Next visited Adams Centre. Spoke to crowded houses in Association Hall. Lectured before the Literary Association to good acceptance. Happy associations cluster around my visit to Adams Centre. Here are my good friends of the cause. The Lord bless them as they severally need! Mine host, J. W. Little, is a thorough worker in the cause. I do not know which is the better man of the two, friend Little or his . May such friends of the slave be multiplied! Many thanks to the kind friends at Adams Centre!

I lectured three times at Adams village, to very large audiences, in the spacious Hall belonging to Mr. S. J. Mendell. A more intelligent and discerning audience than that which crowded this Hall to overflowing, on the third night of my lecture, I have never had the pleasure of addressing. Mr. Mendell is a very popular man, and no marvel. It is through his instrumentality that the citizens of Adams and vicinity have the privilege, from time to time, of listening to the eloquence of Chapin, King, Beecher, . On the occasion of my lectures, he lighted and warmed the Hall at his own expense. For this manifestation of interest in the cause, and for others of a kindred character, he will accept my most sincere thanks. My dear friend, Mr. Willis and family are still remembered by me for their zeal and devotedness to the cause of the oppressed. They took delight in ministering to my every want.

Next lectured at Antwerp, in the Baptist Church. The audience was not large. Several colored men had passed that way lecturing, and their efforts were everything else but creditable to themselves or the cause they essayed to advocate. They generally had nothing to recommend them as lecturers but very strong lungs. After the lecture I tried to give the people of Antwerp, a very pressing invitation was publicly extended to me to visit them again, and I was assured that I should have as many persons to talk to as the large Church

would hold. I lectured to them again a week afterward. The house was crowded, despite a pelting storm, and this proved one of the best meetings in the series. To all the friends in Antwerp who loaded me with good wishes, (and something else which is better,) I am much indebted. Mr. Foster, the Democratic proprietor of the Foster House, is a gentleman if he a Democrat. He is one of those genial souls who are much better than their politics. Come out of Babylon, friend Foster.

Next spoke at Evans Mills, to an audience which filled Academy Hall.

Philadelphia was my next place of appointment, where I spoke to a very large audience in the new and quite commodious Union Church, of which Elder James Gregg is the zealous and efficient pastor. Here I met with some opposition from a lawyer named Nathaniel Whiting, and a drunkard named Rogers. Just as I was about to speak, Whiting arose, and with an air of conscious superiority, poked out his neck, and remarked that before I proceeded to speak he had a question or so to propound. 'Go ahead,' said I. He then commenced reading from some paper or other, a report of a speech said to have been delivered by me in Rochester, in a convention of Garrisonian Abolitionists, some four years ago. Said he: 'Certain incendiary resolutions were adopted at that Convention, and you are repotted to have called George Washington a hypocrite. Now, Sir, are you correctly reported?'

'Well, Sir,' said the writer, 'your question is very easily answered. But before answering it, I want to know what object you have in view in bringing up here to-night what I am reported to have said four years ago?'

'Why,' said Whiting, 'because you are a Republican; we know you to be such, ('go it, Whiting,' said Mr. Whiskey-bottle, ,) and Republicans disavow sympathy with certain sentiments. We want to find out what are the sentiments of the Republican Pary.'

'You ought to have sense enough to know,' I replied, 'that the Republican Party is not
to be held responsible for my alleged utterances, four years ago, nor for what I say to-night—If you wish to find out the principles of the

Party, consult its platform.' I then gave him to understand what I say in reference to George Washington. He did not seem to be
satisfied, and, of course, as I was, I proceeded to give the people a lecture, Mr. Whiting and his party furnishing the text. He interrupted me several times with 'constitutional' and 'legal' questions, for which I was very thankful, as he 'kilt himself intirely' by so doing. After the lecture, he tried to himself, but it was useless; his wings were clipped!—Rogers, the drunkard already alluded to, got up on one of the benches, and screeched to the top of his voice, 'you nigger, you, you ought to be murdered; you ought to be tarred and feathered; get out; niggers have no souls,' &c., &c.

'Ladies and gentlemen,' said I, 'look and listen; there is a specimen of Modern Democracy.'

Whiting lost several of his supporters at this meeting, and has not yet fully recovered his equanimity.

I was invited to speak there again, which I did in a week afterward to a very large audience. Whiting and Rogers were absent. Elder Gregg is doing an excellent work at Philadelphia. He is widely known as a very zealous minister of a free Gospel, and an earnest and able advocate of Christian Unity. He is as true to Humanity, as the needle is to the pole. May his valuable life be prolonged to a good old age!

I made the house of a very excellent friend of the cause my . Friend Frogers is a member of the Society of Friends. I have no language to express my gratitude to every member of his most accomplished and interesting family. Their pleasant countenances are ever present with me. I shall not forget my promise to visit them again. And now, dear reader, I must close, though I have left unnoticed some twenty-two meetings. These will be noticed in our next. In an hour I take the cards for Fulton.

WM. J. WATKINS.

ROCHESTER, April 16th, '60.