African Civilization Society.

"But I entreated you to tell your readers what
YOUR OBJECTIONS are to the civilization and christianization of Africa. What objection have you
to colored men in this country engaging in agri
culture, lawful trade, and commerce in the land
of my forefathers? What objection have you to
an organization that shall endeavor to check and
destroy the African slave-trade, and that desires
to co-operate with anti-slavery men and women
of every grade in our own land, and to toil with
them for the overthrow of American slavery?—
Tell us, I pray you, tell us in your clean and
manly style. 'Gird up thy loins, and answer
thou me, if thou canst.'"—[Letter from Henry
Highland Garnet.

Hitherto we have allowed ourselves but little
space for discussing the claims of this new
scheme for the civilization of Africa, doing
little more than indicating our dissent from
the new movement, yet leaving our columns as
free to its friends as to its opponents. We
shall not depart from this course, while the
various writers bring good temper and ability
to the discussion, and shall keep themselves
within reasonable limits. We hope the same
impartiality will be shown in the management
of the , the adopted or
gan of the African Civilization Society. We
need discussion among ourselves, discussion to
rouse our souls to intenser life and activity.—
"Communipaw" did capital service when he
gave the subtle brain of WM. WHIPPER a little
work to do, and our readers the pleasure of
seeing it done. Anything to promote earnest
thinking among our people may be held as a
good thing in itself, whether we assent to or
dissent from the proposition which calls it
forth.

We say this much before entering upon a compliance with the request of our friend GARNET, lest any should infer that the discussion now going on is distasteful to us, or that we desire to avoid it. The letter in question from MR. GARNET is well calculated to make that impression. He evidently enjoys a wholesome confidence, not only in the goodness of his own cause, but in his own ability to defend it.—Sallying out before us, as if in "complete steel," he entreats us to appear "in manly Style," to "," as if the contest were one requiring all our strength and activity. "Answer thou me if thou canst?"—As if an answer were impossible. Not content with this, he reminds us of his former similar entreaties, thus making it our duty to reply to him, if for no better reason than respect and courtesy towards himself.

The first question put to us by MR. GARNET is a strange and almost preposterous one. He

asks for our "objections to the civilization
and christianization of Africa." The answer
we have to make here is very easy and very
ready, and can be given without even taking
the trouble to observe the generous advice to
"gird up our loins." We have not, dear
brother, the least possible objection either to
the civilization or to the christianization of
Africa, and the question is just about as ab
surd and ridiculous as if you had asked us to
"gird up our loins," and tell the world what
objection FREDERICK DOUGLASS has to the
abolition of slavery, or the elevation of the
free people of color in the United States!
We not only have no objection to the civiliza
tion and christianization of Africa, but re
joice to know that through the instrumentality
of commerce, and the labors of faithful mis
sionaries, those very desirable blessings are
already being realized in [the land of my
fathers] Africa.

Brother GARNET is a prudent man, and we
admire his tact and address in presenting the
issue before us, while we cannot assent entire
ly to its fairness. "

." That is very aptly said, but is it
impartially said? Does brother GARNET think
such a preference, in view of all the circum
stances, a wise a proper one? Or is he
wholly indifferent as to the preference or the
other? He seems to think that our prefer
ences have nothing to do with the question
between us and the African Civilization So
ciety, while we think that this preference
touches the very bone of contention. The
African Civilization Society says to us, go to
Africa, raise cotton, civilize the natives, be
come planters, merchants, compete with the
slave States in the Liverpool cotton market,
and thus break down American slavery. To
which we simply and briefly reply, "we prefer
to remain in America;" and we do insist upon
it, in the very face of our respected friend,
that that is both a direct and candid answer.
There is no dodging, no equivocation, but so
far as we are concerned, the whole matter is
ended. to there, stay here, is just
the difference between us and the African
Civilization Society, and the true issue upon
which co-operation with it or opposition to it
must turn.

BROTHER GARNET will pardon us for thinking
it somewhat cool in him to ask us to give our
objections to this new scheme. Our objections
to it have been stated in substance, repeatedly.
It has been no fault of ours if he has not read
them.

As long ago as last September, we gave our
views at large on this subject, in answer to an
eloquent letter from BENJAMIN COATES, Esq.,
the real, but not the ostensible head of the Af
rican Civilization movement. (Those who
wish, can find those views in number 560, Vol.
XI, of .)

Meanwhile we will state briefly, for the
benefit of friend GARNET, seven considerations,
which prevent our co-operation with the Af
rican Civilization Society.

1. No one idea has given rise to more oppres
sion and persecution toward the colored peo
ple of this country, than that which makes
Africa, not America, their home. It is that
wolfish idea that elbows us off the side walk,
and denies us the rights of citizenship. The
life and soul of this abominable idea would
have been thrashed out of it long ago, but for
the jesuitical and persistent teaching of the

American Colonization Society. The natural
and unfailing tendency of the African Civili
zation Society, by sending ""
in all our towns and cities for money to send
colored men to Africa, will be to keep life
and power in this narrow, bitter and persecuting idea, that Africa, not America is the negro's true home.

2. The abolition of American slavery, and
the moral, mental and social improvement of
our people, are the objects of immediate, pressing and transcendent importance, involving a direct and positive issue with the pride and selfishness of the American people. The prosecution of this grand issue against all the
principalities and powers of church and state,
furnishes ample occupation for all our time
and talents; and we instinctively shrink from
any movement which involves a substitution
of a doubtful and indirect issue, for one which
is direct and certain, for we believe that the
demand for the abolition of slavery now made
in the name of humanity, and according to the
law of the Living God, though long delayed,
will, if faithfully pressed certainly triumph.—
The African Civilization Society proposes to
plant its guns too far from the battlements of
slavery for us. Its doctrines and measures are
those of doubt and retreat, and it must land
just where the American Colonization move
ment landed, upon the lying assumption, that
white and black people can never live in the
same land on terms of equality. Detesting this
heresy as we do, and believing it to be full of
all "deceivableness" of unrighteousness, we shun
the paths that lead to it, no matter what taking names they bear, or how excellent the
men who bid us to walk in them.

3. Among all the obstacles to the progress
of civilization and of christianity in Africa,
there is not one so difficult to overcome as the
African slave trade. No argument is needed
to make this position evident. The African
Civilization Society will doubtless assent to its
truth. Now, so regarding the slave trade, and
believing that the existence of slavery in this
country is one of the strongest props of the
African slave trade, we hold that the best way
to put down the slave trade, and to build up
civilization in Africa, is to stand our ground
and labor for the abolition of slavery in the
U. S. But for slavery here, the slave trade
would have been long since swept from the
ocean by the united navies of Great Britain,
France and the United States. The work,
therefore, to which we are naturally and logically conducted, as the one of primary importance, is to abolish slavery. We thus get the
example of a great nation on the right side,
and break up, so far as America is concerned,
a demand for the slave trade. More will have
been done. The enlightened conscience of our
nation, through its church and government, and
its press, will be let loose against slavery and
the slave trade wherever practiced.

4. One of the chief considerations upon
which the African Civilization Society is re
commended to our favorable regard, in its tendency to break up the slave trade. We have
looked at this recommendation, and find no
reason to believe that any one man in Africa
can do more for the abolition of that trade,
while living in Africa, than while living in
America. If we cannot make Virginia, with
all her enlightenment and christianity, believe
that there are better uses for her energies than
employing them in breeding slaves for the
market, we see not how we can expect to

make Guinea, with its ignorance and savage selfishness, adopt our notions of political economy. Depend upon it, the savage chiefs on
the western coast of Africa, who for ages
have been accustomed to selling their captives into bondage, and pocketing the ready cash for them, will not more readily see and
accept our moral and economical ideas, than
the slave-traders of Maryland and Virginia.
We are, therefore, less inclined to go to Af
rica to work against the slave-trade, than to
stay here to work against it. Especially as
the means for accomplishing our object are
quite as promising here as there, and more
especially since we are here already, with constitutions and habits suited to the country and its climate, and to its better institutions.

5. There are slaves in the United States to the number of four millions. They are stigmatized as an inferior race, fit only for slavery, incapable of improvement, and unable to
take care of themselves. Now, it seems plain
that here is the place, and we are the people
to meet and put down these conclusions
concerning our race. Certainly there is no
place on the globe where the colored man can
speak to a larger audience, either by precept
or by example, than in the United States.

6. If slavery depended for its existence upon the cultivation of cotton, and were shut up
to that single production, it might even then
be fairly questioned whether any amount of
cotton culture in Africa would be materially affect the price of that article in this country,
since demand and supply would go on together.
But the case is very different. Slave labor
can be employed in raising anything which human labor and the earth can produce. If one
does not pay, another will. Christy says
"Cotton is King," and our friends of the African Civilization movement are singing the
same tune; but clearly enough it must appear
to common sense, that "King Cotton" in
America has nothing to fear from King Cotton
in Africa.

7. We object to enrolling ourselves among
the friends of that new Colonization scheme,
because we believe that our people shoud be
let alone, and given a fair chance to work our
their own destiny where they are. We are
perpetually kept, with wandering eyes and
open mouths, looking out for some mighty
revolution in our affairs here, which is to re
move us from this country. The consequence is, that we do not take a firm hold up
on the advantages and opportunities about us.
Permanent location is a mighty element of civilization. In a savage state men roam about,
having no continued abiding place. They are
"." Towns and cities
houses and homes, are only built up by men
who halt long enough to build them. There
is a powerful motive for the cultivation of an
honorable character, in the fact that we have
a country, a neighborhood, a home. The full
effect of this motive has not hitherto been experienced by our people. When in slavery,
we were liable to perpetual sales, transfers
and removals; and now that we are free, we
are quite tired of all this, and wish no more
of it.

To all this it will be said that DOUGLASS is
opposed to our following the example of white
men. They are pushing East, West, North
and South. They are going to Oregon, Central America, Australia, South Africa and

all over the world. Why should we not have
the same right to better our condition that
other men have and exercise? Any man who
says that we deny this right, or even object to
its exercise, only deceives the ignorant by such
representations.

If colored men are convinced that they can
better their condition by going to Africa, or
any where else, we shall respect them if they
will go, just as we respect others who have
gone to California, Fraser Island, Oregon and
the West Indies. They are self-moved, self
sustained, and there success or failure is their
own individual concern. But widely different
is the case, when men combine, in societies,
under taking titles, send out agents to collect
money, and call upon us to help them travel
from continent to continent to promote some
selfish or benevolent end. In the one case, it
is none of our business where our people go.—They are of age, and can act for themselves.—But when they ask the public to go, or for money, sympathy, aid, or co-operation, or attempt to make it appear anybody's duty to go, the case ceases to be a private individual affair, and becomes a public question, and he who believes that he can make a better use of his time, talents, and influence, than such a movement proposes for him may very properly say so, without in any measure calling in question the equal right of our people to migrate.

Again it may be said that we are opposed
to sending the Gospel to benighted Africa;
but this is not the case. The , in its rooms at 48 Beekman Street, has never had the occasion to complain of any such opposition, nor will it have such cause. But we will not anticipate the objections which may be brought to the foregoing views. They seem to us sober, rational, and true; but if otherwise, we shall be glad to have them honestly criticised.