For Frederick Douglass' Paper.

COMPENSATION TO SLAVEHOLDERS.

FREDERICK DOUGLASS: ESTEEMED FRIEND:—
Within a few weeks past, there has been
published in some anti-slavery newspapers the
subjoined memorial to Congress that has relation to that subject. I find among my neigh
bors, some persons, whose philanthropy I
would not call in question, that object to put
ting their names to it, and excuse themselves
after this manner: "I cannot conscientiously
sign a memorial to Congress, praying that
body to do anything towards compensating the
slaveholder for any loss he may expect to sustain in doing justice to those poor negroes that
have been so long subject to his rule, and the
victims of his cupidity and lust. I would not
a man for doing that which he is bound
to do, without pay, by the laws of common
justice and humanity. I cannot sign the memo
rial because I do not wish to become a slave
holder myself, nor invite others to go into such
iniquity; besides, the slaveholder can give us
no valid title to the slaves if we agree to buy
them."

To such objections, allow me to reply, provided it had been the design of the memorialists to sanction slaveholding or slave-trading, such objections might be appropriate; but as their intention is the reverse of that, in my humble opinion, the objections are not appropriate. The memorialists do not essay to buy the slaves, they ask for no ownership in nor title to them, but they do ask the slaveholder to relinquish his false title, his spurious ownership of them, and to allow the negro and the fruits of his own labor.

Allow me also to inquire of such opponents, how they would act under the following circumstances. A slaveholder says to them, "Gentlemen, I have a plantation in the South, with a number of servants, young and old, which I inherit by the will of my late father; the anti-slavery agitation has

led me to look into the matter of slaveholding, and I am so far satisfied with the general char
acter of the argument as to become willing to make an alteration in the condition of my ser
vants. You say if I emancipate them you will have no part in making me compensation out of the public domain, or otherwise, so that I might cultivate my plantation by hired free labor; I propose now, as my next alternative, to continue them in their present condition, to sell their labor, or what is equivalant to it, the produce of their labor, in the best market I can find; are you willing that I should receive any
remuneration for that? I am informed that some of you own cotton-mills, some are wholesale or retail dealers in cotton goods, and all of you are consumers of the article, will you buy my cotton, and thus sustain me as a slaveholding cotton planter so that I can receive for the use of the capital invested in my servants?"

Now, judging of the future by the past, the
answer he would receive from them would be,
"We cannot keep our mills going, our stores
open, or our wardrobes furnished without cot
ton. We will buy your cotton."

"Well, gentlemen," replies the slaveholder,
"I reckon we have a heap of plantations in the
South in the same situation as yourselves; re
flection has led them to see many of the evils
connected with our domestic system, and to be
come , opposed to holding slaves,
but are no better prepared than yourselves to
make their opposition when it in
volves a pecuniary sacrifice. Charles Dickens
was not far from the truth when he said '.' In too many cases he makes the
conscience bow to his control. While our
Southern planters have been making money by
growing cotton, by slave labor, you have stood

ready to take it off our hands, and have been making money, aye, princely fortunes by it. If there is no sin in , and slave grown cotton will you show me where the sin lies in it? And if there is none there, why this outcry against slavery. My own opinion is, that so long as you Northern people, including the majority of abolitionists, regard it less a crime to sustain by money patronage Southern planters in the character of than to them as ; we may safely rely upon it, that the day of general peaceful emancipation will remain a long way off. With much composure, I go to my plantation and my slaves."

The undersigned citizens of [blank space], respectfully ask that provision may be made by law that, whenever, within a certain period of years, any State of this Union, now admitting domestic slavery, shall decree the emancipation of all slaves and the final extinction of involuntary servitude, except for crime, within her borders, an exact enumeration of said slaves shall be made, and for each and every slave so emancipated there shall be paid from the Treasury of the United States to such State, for equitable distribution amongst the slaveholders, a sum of money, to be ascertained as Congress, in its wisdom may direct.

Of course, any one who reads and approves of the memorial will take some pains to put it in the way of obtaining signatures, and forwarding when signed, to some member of Congress for presentation.

Respectfully, thy friend,

HENRY MILES.

MOUKTON, Vt., 31st of 3d mo.