WAR! WAR!! WAR!!!

MR. EDITOR:—The "Rubicon" is passed.—Slavery and Freedom can no longer dwell together in peace. They no longer attempt it. The cry of War has come up from city to hamlet, from the anvil and the plow, and its echoes yet linger on the distant hilltops. The armies are in the field, and the hostilities have already commenced. In the Senate chamber, the [illegible] brings to the floor the boldest and most eloquent defender of Liberty, whose voice even rang through those halls and leaves him there, senseless and almost lifeless; while bravo! bravo!! falls upon the ear, as the almost unanimous voice of the Southern press, who thereby make the act their own. It is the cry of War. In Kansas, more deadly weapons have been used; Sharpe's rifles and United States muskets, with all the paraphernalia of deadly strife, have been brought into requisition: the virgin soil of Kansas has been stained by the crimson gore of butchered freemen, whose blood cries to heaven for vengeance. It is the voice of War.

Their wives and their daughters have been outraged with a brutality unknown to the brute creation, and their wrongs demand redress at the hands of those whose fathers fought and bled for freedom. It is the voices of war.—Liberty or Slavery must be subdued. The marshalling hosts of freedom are gathering in the field; their name is legion, and with a brave and fearless lender, the minions of serfdom would vanish before them, as chaff before the devouring flame. But who shall this leader be? The uprising voice of the people, like the voice of many waters, with deafening shout, demand JOHN C. FREMONT, the great pathfinder of the West—he who has done more for the West than any other man—the man who has for the good of his country braved the fury of the elements, and the hate and malice of savage men—who has stood upon the giddy heights of "Fremont's Peak"—kindled his campfire amid the snow-capped summits of the Rocky Mountains—marked the pat of empire to the far-off Pacific coast—declared California independent of Mexican authority—drove out the treacherous Gen. Castro and his Indian allies—and brought to the sisterhood of the Republic

the State of California. The present in our nation's history is fearful crisis, the like of which it has never known before. At this point the theoretical map ask, "What ought to be done?" while the practical man asks, "What can be done?" The latter is the question for the times—the question that presses itself upon the patriot, the statesman, the philanthropist, and upon every lover of his country. What can be done? meets the mind at every point. Slavery is the great cause of trouble, and an effectual remedy of the evil would be the removal of the cause. This can only be done by several successive steps. The reason of this is found in the fact, that power to do must be acquired before action can result; hence all reforms are progressive. Ours is a republican form of government, and power to do consists in a union of effort between a majority of the citizens. And my opinion is that it will take a long time to bring the minds of a majority of the voters of this nation up to the point where they, in their omnipotence shall say, "Slavery shall be no more," without some previous step being taken in that direction. One is of one opinion, and another of another—each adhering to his own with much tenacity. Hence the difficulty of action. I think, however, that the time has come when quite a majority of the voters in the United States are opposed to the further extension of slavery, and this fact points to "what can be done." The issue in the present contest is between extension and non-extension. BUCHANAN is the representative of one—while Col. FREMONT is the representative of the other. The nation upon FREMONT of all who are opposed to the further extension, of slavery I think, would place him at the head of our national government. This, though not as much in behalf of Liberty as Abolitionists generally desire, would be a great victory for Freedom. to place such a man—one ever true to liberty—in the Presidential chair, would do more for freedom, than can be done by a single act, in any other way.

1st, It would stop the onward march of Slavery. Some think this a small matter; but had it been done ten years ago, Slavery had now been dead. But instead of that, it now rules the nation with a tyrant's rod. Southern men understand this; one recently said in Congress—I quote from memory—"Slavery confined within its present limits, would sting itself to death."

2d, It would place Government patronage on

the side of liberty. While it is true, that "knowledge is power;" it is equally true, that "money is power." He who has a large amount of money at his disposal wields a great influence. I do not say whether this should be so or not, only that it is so. This money influence alone on the side of freedom and free speech would cause its foes to tremble; but add to this the direct agency, in behalf of liberty, of the multitude who receive their appointments at the hands of the President, we have a weight upon the side of liberty, so ponderous, that its influence can hardly be estimated. The appointment of judges alone in the hands of a man of the right stamp, would be the source of immeasurable good to the cause of humanity. Had the territorial officers of Kansas been appointed by such a man, our country had now been at peace.

3d, It would place the United States Army and Navy on the side of Liberty. Argument here is unnecessary; the sad experience of a few months past—the subjugation of the freemen of Kansas, by United States troops, and United States muskets—speaks in tones of thunder to every listening ear.

This is what can be done and must be done, or liberty will fall beneath the iron heel of the oppressor. I am an "Abolitionist." I venerate Gerrit Smith above any other man now figuring in the political world. Could he be President, it would rejoice me much; had I votes enough at my command, to elect him, he would be President; but it is evident he cannot be elected; and under the circumstances, had I a thousand votes at my command, John C. Fremont should have them all. This election is our only hope. Gerrit Smith is a patriot, and a statesman, and a pure-minded philanthropist, and a disinterested lover of liberty. But enough of this; those who know him best, venerate him most; and from these acknowledged characteristics of the man—acknowledged even by his enemies—I have been expecting from him a public declaration for Fremont and Freedom. I expect it yet, and should he do it, a thrill of joy would animate many a trembling heart, adn a shout of grateful transport would resound from the Atlantic to the Pacific coast. I repeat it: this is a fearful crisis—and let none refuse to do what they can, because they cannot do all they would. Let every friend of humanity do his duty, and Slavery shall go staggering from the princely chair of State, to the gloomy shades of oblivion. A word to the Editor and I am done. I learn that some have

taken umbrage at your course, and in their blindness have said—"Stop my paper." But, Sir, I have not so studied humanity's cause. I like your paper. I like its manly tone, and its noble spirit, and believe it to be doing a good work. It is working nobly for your race, for our common humanity, for freedom and free speech, and from time to time has spoken many a good word for Fremont and Dayton; and yet I desire to see more than this with their names at masthead with the hearty co-operation of our mutual friend, Gerrit Smith, I believe your paper could do more for the "rights of all mankind, without distinction of color, class, or clime," than in any other way. Let there be no division in the ranks of freedom; in union there is strength; it is a common cause; had all thought in the present contest we may not be permitted to grapple with the main pillars of oppression yet, by a united effort, we may—as already shown—accomplish much in behalf of liberty; and the hitherto half-hearted friends of humanity, when once enlisted, and their armor on, will not be satisfied with destroying only the outposts of Slavery, but will begin to feel for "the pillars whereupon the house standeth," and slavery shall be no more.

JAMES H. WHITE

ELK RIVER, M.T., Aug. 4, 1856.