CASTE IN RHODE ISLAND.

DEAR DOUGLASS:—There is a partial rest in the caste alcohol war in this State, which will enable me to note the points gained, and record such incidents as should be. And I would avail myself of the occasion to fire a small friendly gun at our friend Wm. J. Watkins, who places me in a false light, when he represents me as being, with him, a "single issue" man. No, my friend, the difference between me and the gentleman is, that whilst the law and circumstances make it so, that all my thoughts and efforts in the matter of legislation in this State may be given to a "single issue," that I do not, as he seems to, object to others being engaged in more than one, where it is needed, as in your State.

I believe that an effort to secure equal and unproscribed educational facilities in your State is immediately important, and as imperative as the Franchise effort; that some successful action will be had on that question before successful action shall be had on the Franchise question, if the friends only will.

The effort to have caste abolished in the management of the public schools of this State, was introduced to the General Assembly of the State in 1858, through a memorial which the General Assembly referred to its committee on education that committee reported thereon; four of the five recommending that the petitioners have leave to withdraw; one of the committee submitted a very able report in behalf of the petitioners. The matter was discussed by the General Assembly, but as the city of Providence—the above of Rhode Island's political tricksters, of Rhode Island lawyers, of slaves to the purse and to political preferment— bad for its representatives, with some honorable exceptions, men whose business it is to talk upon the side which pays most, we found talking ability arrayed against us.

You will note that these caste schools exist only in three towns of the State. The dodge was used. that these places should correct the evil. One of the dodgers, Isaac Saunders, now in nomination for Lieut. Governor, moved a year ago, that the electors of the city of Providence, whence caste schools exist, decide the matter, which was passed. We immediately set ourselves at work, not at all daunted, being conscious of the justice and strength of our claim. Last May we had another memorial before the General Assembly. This, like the other one, was referred to the committee on education; but the session lasting only a few days, the matter, with much other important business, went over to the January session, when came the tug of war. The matter was then urged, talked about and excited more feeling, commotion and general interest than any other subject before the body, except the Harvard and Ives case, in which perhaps not less than $10,000 has been expended to work it up to its present pitch of interest.

In the first General Assembly we had but one member whospoke to any extent in our behalf and even he did not go fully into the subject. In this General Assembly we had several we had in both warm and sympathizing friends; none dared speak out in the last; but you know the natural timidity of politicians when speaking in behalf of an unpopular question. On a direct vote we would have carried this General Assembly; this is conceded on all sides; the enemy being aware of it, resorted to a dodge. The day the vote was to be taken, the opposition had it arranged that some black slaves, residents of the city of Providence, sho'd place their names to a paper saying in substance that they did not desire to enjoy the same superior facilities for becoming educated that their white neighbors do, which paper was placed in the hands of one Wingate Hays, who would pull with the hare, for political reason, while he runs with the hound. This paper was presented that day by him, and was to our friends a surprise. There were forty-five names attached there to among them the names of John N. Smith, Chas, B. Burrill, the husbands of the school teachers whom the school committee employed to teach these caste schools; also Geo. Waterman and others. We have since learned that a number, if not most of the forty-five names, were obtained by false representations—a number supposing that they were favoring the abolition of caste in schools. Some of the names were FORGED—that is, they were used without the individual's knowledge or consent. However, this was not to the opposition material. Here was a piece of paper with forty-five names on it, protesting against equal school rights; it served their purpose, and they used it; Wingate Hays presented it; never mind if nearly every man who consented to have his name there, with a knowledge of the object, was

a [set?], which is true; use it they would and did.

The language of the protest was in the handwriting of GEO. HEAD a colored man, who keeps a low dram shop and a [petty?] office; but his name was not there, for the reason that he has lately shed his coat, and now claims to be a white [man?] though in doing so he may be obliged to malign the character of the should be revered dead. In consideration of the change, and as a compensation for services rendered in aiding to keep the colored people from enjoying equal school rights, (you know there is always need that some should do the dirty work,) his children are permitted to enjoy theirs. I with it to be most distinctly understood, that I do not object to these children attending the school of their district, because they are but enjoying their rights in doing so; but what displeases me is, that their father should throw himself across our path, and allow himself to be used as a dirty tool to keep our children from enjoying advantages which his are enjoying.

The first move of the day was to present this remonstrance, with the remark that the signers were respectable, wealthy and influential, and that they represented the people. The next move was for Lysander Flagg, Chairman of the Committee on Education, to get up and abuse Mr. Downing in a most shameful manner, attacking his motives, charging him with misrepresentation, and the like, to such an extent as to elicit expressions of shame and cowardice—one member suggesting that Mr. Downing should be granted the privilege to reply—another one remarking that the gentleman would be more circumspect in his speech, only he was aware that Mr. Downing was not permitted to reply. There sat Mr. Downing within the bar, enjoying a seat with the reporters at the reporters' table, with the eyes of every member on him, willing to pay money for the privilege to be heard. More than once did the hopeful thought come to him: "I will yet be in such a position in this House, that I may reply to Mr. Flagg, shall he, like me, then be honored with membership."

Move number three was that members should arise and profess great personal regard for Mr. Downing, and that they thought well of our movement; but as there seemed to be a difference of opinion among the colored people, and as Mr. Downing should be allowed an opportunity to reply to the attack made upon him, the entire matter had better be referred over to the May session, and that it be referred to a special committee of five—which committee was appointed, a majority of whom, I am glad to say, favor our move.

There are many incidental circumstances of interest which I might give, and which would be of interest, but they might exclude from your columns other matters of interest. We have all along been keeping up a local fire, asking the local authorities for our rights. The Rev. Mr. Clapp, a black-haired, fire-eyed opponent, who was ordained by South-Side Adams, arose at the last quarterly meeting of the school committee of this city fixing those fire-eyed eyes in the direction where the black agitators sat, and with a voice like a "clapp" of thunder attending a Southern storm, remarked with pointed finger and indignant emotion, "We will tell these individuals that their eternal persistency shall not move us;" that they being "the minority, should submit."

The course pursued by our opponents has been most despicably mean. The Rev. Daniel Leach, an Episcopalian minister, has occupied no enviable position. This is also true of Dr. Arnold, Prof. Green, and others; perhaps I sho'd allude to Alex. Farnum, a member of the school committee, and who was a member of the General Assembly, who is styled in the Albino member, because of the resemblance he bears to an Albino. But I would particularly invite attention to George Head, the aforementioned black man—to Thomas Davis, the school teacher who has been removed in consequence of the colored people's protest—and to Elizabeth J. Smith the black, whose school is reduced from eighty to sixteen, who is retained as teacher notwithstanding this reduction, and a protest form the colored people asking for her removal, because of a hold which it is believed she had on some of the school committee, causing them to be afraid to remove her. The last two mentioned persons were concerned and active in a movement to effect the character of the colored people, with the sole idea of defeating the move for equal school rights.

PHILO.

PROVIDENCE, March 19, 1859.