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Martin R. Delany to Frederick Douglass, July 1, 1850

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MARTIN R. DELANY TO FREDERICK DOUGLASS

Pittsburgh, [Pa.] 1 July 1850.

To Frederick Douglass.

MY DEAR FRIEND:—

On perusing your remarks on my letter to Mr. Ward,1A letter from Delany to Samuel Ringgold Ward, written in Pittsburgh on 13 June 1850, appeared in the 27 June 1850 issue of the North Star, along with Douglass’s comments on the letter. Delany wrote to Ward about an editorial by Douglass in which Douglass criticized Ward. “The charges made against you,” wrote Delany to Ward, “were in consequence of a handbill calling a meeting, gotten up in Philadelphia by the whites, expressly for yourself, . . . the offensive part of which read thus: ‘The lower part of the house will be reserved exclusively for white persons, who are particularly invited to attend.’ The complaint against you is, that concerning this most palpable insult to your intelligence, you were silent during your address.” Delany continued his letter by chastising Douglass for a seemingly personal attack upon Ward himself rather than upon Ward’s position. He compared Douglass’s approach to the “uncivilized, vulgar attacks of the Mississippi ruffian Foote, of the U.S. Senate, to whom I will liken neither of you, in his outlandish assaults upon the hoary sage of Missouri—Benton, and upon other advocates of liberty in the councils of the nation.” Douglass replied to Delany by writing, “One must be struck, on reading his letter, with the appropriateness of his advice, if applied to himself.” He then defended himself by arguing that he did, in fact, admire Ward and had only attacked Ward’s position. “Persons must be respected,” he continued, “but principles are above persons, and we must follow the latter, though they bring us into conflict with the whole world.” NS, 27 June 1850. I perceive that your feelings have been wounded because of the impression you are under that my strictures were intended to apply entirely to yourself, and that I compared you to the “Mississippi ruffian.”2The “Mississsippi ruffian” was Henry Stuart Foote (1804–80). In the early 1820s Foote, a lawyer from Virginia, migrated to Alabama, where he edited a Democratic newspaper. Involvement in a duel drove him to Mississippi in 1827. There he edited the Jackson Mississippian (1832), obtained a plantation, and conducted a practice in criminal law. In the early 1840s he represented Hines County in the state legislatnre. After a visit to Texas, which resulted in the publication of Texas and the Texans (1841), Foote won a term in the U.S. Senate as a proslavery Unionist in 1847. He became instrumental in engineering the Compromise of 1850 and notorious for a violent confrontation with Thomas Hart Benton on the floor of the Senate, to which Delany refers in this letter. Foote left Congress after winning the 1851 governor’s race in Mississippi against Jefferson Davis. He served as governor until 1854, when he migrated to California. He returned east in 1858, settling in Tennessee. Although he opposed secession, he served in the Confederate congress until he was expelled and declared a Confederate traitor in 1864. After the war, he exiled himself to Montreal, then returned to Tennessee and joined the Republican party, a move that earned him an appointment as superintendent of the U.S. Mint in New Orleans. Wayne J. Van Der Weele, “Henry Stuart Foote, Stentorian ‘Statesman’ of the Old South” (M.A. thesis, Indiana University, 1952); BDAC, 957; ACAB, 2:496; DAB, 4:500–501; NCAB, 13:490. This was not the case; and no one, I am persuaded, who reads that letter will place any such construction upon it.

It would be useless here for me to state the estimate that I set upon your talents and ability as a man among us. I have often announced that with pen and voice, and have ever felt proud that we had so noble a specimen of our oppressed and enslaved brethren, who, with a righteous indignation,

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cursed the slaveholder, spurned slavery, and, with the power of a Hercules, had riven the contemptible fetters that bound his manly form, dashing them to atoms, and walked forth untrammeled as nature had designed him, a god-like native nobleman. I borrow not the term of “native noble” as applied to you; for I find in the files of a paper before me, the term used by myself towards you, more than six years since.3Delany probably described Douglass as a “native noble” in the Pittsburgh Mystery, a paper he edited from 1843 to 1848. No extant copies of the Mystery for the period referred to by Delany, earlier than 1845, have been located. Ripley, Black Abolitionist Papers, 4:12–29n. I believe I need no endorsement to prove my abiding; if I did, I should apply to no other than yourself. But this I think will be conceded at once; and I should not have said a word on this point, had I not desired to record anew my personal estimate of yourself and efforts as a man and brother, thereby to put at rest any miscomprehensions or misconstructions that might follow the tone of your remarks.

The letter, though addressed to Mr. Ward, contained strictures upon your late review of his course, yet I will go, and so intimated to Mr. Ward, an even length in attacking or condemning the posit[i]on of Mr. Ward on that occasion, as stated by you; but I cannot admit that, in doing this, it is necessary to impugn his motives, unless he was an avowed or known enemy, which I do not accuse you of charging designedly to injure Mr. Ward; but such, my dear sir, was the tenor of your whole course towards him.

My letter was intended as much a review of past feelings that existed among you, as for the present—as much to Mr. Ward as yourself, (only on presumption, as I had no means of ascertaining his course toward you,) and indeed not only Mr. Ward and yourself, but that distinguished eloquent gentleman of whose manly bearing and unexceptionable ability I have often borne testimony—Mr. H. H. Garnet,4Henry Highland Garnet. but his name being disconnected with the late transaction, I did not feel at liberty to drag it in, although during the controversy—the unfortunate, unhealthy controversy that existed between you last summer and fall,5Relations between Douglass and Garnet grew strained over a variety of issues throughout the 1840s. Garnet advocated the use of violence, while Douglass argued for nonresistance. Garnet believed that abolitionists should support sending Bibles to slaves, while Douglass averred that this was a waste of effort. Their differences became heated debates both on the lecture podium and in the pages of antislavery newspapers. In 1849 English abolitionist Henry Richardson invited Garnet to Britain to promote the Free Produce Movement and freedom in general. Douglass railed against Garnet, insisting that Garnet had never supported the first issue, that Garnet would promote violence to the detriment of the abolitionist cause as a whole, and that Garnet would use the opportunity to criticize Douglass to the British audience on which Douglass heavily relied for support. Douglass launched his own short-lived campaign to discredit Garnet in Britain, but his efforts did not succeed. Garnet counterattacked by accusing Douglass of professional jealousy. That same year, Garnet’s failure to appear as advertised at a Buffalo convention in honor of West Indian Emancipation led to another assault by Douglass on Garnet’s integrity. Garnet responded by assailing Douglass’s leadership within the abolitionist movement and his nonviolent position. In later years, the two would continue to disagree, particularly in the late 1850s, when Garnet became a leading advocate of colonization. Blackett, Building an Antislavery Wall, 143–45; Schor, Henry Highland Garnet, 104–07. I sat down to write a letter similar to my recent one, but forebore, lest it would be received with a different feeling and spirit from that which it was intended, and instead of good, evil might result therefrom.

In the connection in which I made reference to the “uncivilized, vulgar attacks of the Mississippi ruffian,” far, very far be it from an intention, on my part, to liken you, or any other gentlemen for whom I entertain sentiments of respect, and this declaimer was particularly made at the time—I repeat that it was not so intended, but simply to illustrate the fact that the position occupied by those to whom I then addressed myself, could easily be construed to emulate such persons only.—

You will readily perceive that the excep- [missing text]6The bottom half of the page on which this letter appears in the North Star is missing. ments of the

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great body of the people West, when I say that it is to me painful in the extreme, and mortifying, to see talent, usefulness, ability, and acknowledged greatness among our leading men, unconscious though they may be of their attitude in the eyes of the public, brought to no higher aim than driving each other into obscurity! This, dear sir, is precisely the position occupied by our great men, as viewed by the scrutiny of public observation. Uncharitable though it be considered, yet (let the fault be whose it may, with which we have nothing to do,) there is true cause for such reflections.

Subsequent to the publication of my letter, a friend placed in my hand the September number of the Maryland Colonization Journal;7From 1835 until 1861 the Maryland Colonization Journal was the official newspaper of the Maryland Colonization Society, an organization that broke from the American Colonization Society in 1831. Eugene S. Van Sickle, “The Missionary Presence and Influences in Maryland in Liberia, 1834–1842” (M.A. thesis, West Virginia University, 2000), 1; Charles A. Earp, “The Role of Education in the Maryland Colonization Movement,” JNH, 26:368 (July 1941). and although coming from an enemy ever ready to fault-find and torture, yet its conductor, Dr. Hall,8James Hall (1802—89), a physician, edited the Maryland Colonization Journal from 1841 until 1861 . In the early 1830s he scouted and negotiated for the Cape Palmas site in Africa, where the Maryland Colonization Society located its first settlement. He acted as the colony’s first governor until failing health forced him to return to the United States in 1836, and John B. Russwurm replaced him. Van Sickle, “Missionary Presence in Liberia,” 20, 24, 26–32. is a competitor with whom I have had many an editorial conflict, and have found him generally candid, generous, high-minded, and more liberal than might be expected of a Colonizationist. The article which I extract therefrom, precedes the letter referred to, copied from the North Star, and serves at least to show the bad impression such personal controversies make upon the public mind, as the public has an indisputable right to inquire into and pass judgment upon the acts and doings of all public men; and this letter but reiterates the true spirit of the controversy:

“ ‘How THESE BRETHREN LOVE ONE ANOTHER.’—Considering the intense sympathy manifested for the slaves by Abolitionists, it is a matter of astonishment that so little frater-feeling exists between these philanthropists for each other. From all quarters we hear of strife and wranglings. Not only between the whites, where it might reasonably be expected, but between the colored leaders themselves. As a specimen of this interchange of “Friendship’s offerings,” we copy a letter from the Rev. H. H. Garnet, a colored man of education and talents, to his brother and fellow-laborer, Frederick Douglass. It is one of the most able and most courteous of the class we have seen. It seems this being lionized in England causes no little jealousy and heart-burning among our colored adventurers.”9With minor changes in spelling and punctuation, Delany quotes a brief item that appeared in the September 1849 issue of the Maryland Colonization Journal. A letter from Henry Highland Garnet to Douglass, dated 31 August 1849, follows the text quoted by Delany. The letter from Garnet to Douglass appears in this volume. Maryland Colonization Journal, 5:42–43 (September 1849).

What I have written has been done in love, as an act of justice, not only to yourself and our dear and esteemed friends and brothers, Ward and Garnet, but also our people at large and the cause in which you have embarked.

Let me repeat again, that what I have said in humbleness is exempt from all attempts of censure, believing that whatever errors do exist are the result of oversight and not design; and that a suggestion alone is sufficient to induce a sufficient remedy; and that greatness should fully appreciate the design of one, however humble and obscure, when approaching you with every manifestation of kindred sincerity.

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With every hope and desire for your continuance, prosperity and eventual success in the sacred cause of our elevation, I am, dear sir, Yours for God and humanity,

M. R. DELANY.

PLfSr: NS, 11 July 1850.

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Creator

Delany, Martin R. (1812–85)

Date

1850-07-01

Publisher

Yale University Press 2009

Type

Letters

Publication Status

Published