Frederick Douglass to Gerrit Smith, February 13, 1852
FREDERICK DOUGLASS TO GERRIT SMITH
Rochester, [N.Y.] 13 Feb[ruary] 1852.
Gerrit Smith Esq.Smith, Gerrit
Gerrit Smith (1797– 1874), a New York businessman and land speculator, became best known for his philanthropic work for such reform causes as temperance and abolition. Between 1828 and 1835, he donated large sums of money to the American Colonization Society, but abandoned that movement in 1835 when his sympathies shifted to the immediate abolitionists. In the 1840s, he gave approximately 140,000 acres of land in upstate New York to three thousand black settlers, thus qualifying them to vote. Smith was a founder and frequent candidate of the Liberty party, running for governor of New York on that ticket in 1840 and winning a seat in Congress in 1852. When the Free Soil merger with moderate antislavery Democrats and Whigs lured away many Liberty party supporters, Smith helped bankroll that organization until 1860. Smith befriended Douglass when the latter moved to Rochester, and Smith frequently helped finance Frederick Douglass’ Paper. Like Douglass, Smith supported John Brown, but psychological stress caused by the failure at Harpers Ferry brought on the first of a series of bipolar episodes that greatly reduced his subsequent reform activities. Ralph Volney Harlow, Gerrit Smith: Philanthropist and Reformer (1939; New York, 1972); Gerald Sorin, The New York Abolitionists: A Case Study of Political Radicalism (Westport, Conn., 1971), 269– 87; Lewis Perry, Radical Abolitionism: Anarchy and the Government of God in Antislavery Thought (Ithaca, N.Y., 1973), 170– 80; John R. McKivigan and Madeleine Leveille, “The ‘Black Dream’ of Gerrit Smith, New York Abolitionist,” Syracuse University Library Associates Courier, 20:61– 76 (Fall 1985); NCAB , 2:322– 23; DAB, 17:270– 71.
MY DEAR SIR.
You have not time to write nor to read long letters[.] I shall therefore come at once to the point. I have noticed (and the fact can not have altogether escaped your observation) namely, that certain gentlemen of the Liberty party are either prepared to abandon or to have that organisation absorbed by another less radical, less stringent, and I think less comprehensive in its character;—a party which will command more votes.1The remnant of the Liberty party, led by Gerrit Smith, attempted to move the antiextensionist Free Soilers to a higher ground. Smith, Douglass, and a few other of their small group attended the Pittsburgh convention of the renamed Free Democratic party. The Liberty men failed in efforts to persuade the more moderate antislavery delegates to adopt a strong platform especially opposing racial discrimination. Though divided over their future course, the Liberty party ranks eventually nominated William Goodell as their presidential candidate. Sewell, Ballots for Freedom, 241–46. If I have not misread- and misunderstood certain recent articles from our friend Thomas,2John Thomas editorialized repeatedly on political subjects in Frederick Douglass ’ Paper during 1852. As Douglass describes, Thomas advocated that Liberty party men endorse the ticket nominated by the Free Democratic party. FDP, 26 February, 18 March, 13 May, 13, 27 August 1852. he fully approves this policy, and is quite ready to unite on the platform of the Freedemocracy of Ohio. I have been informed that James C. J ackson[,]3James Caleb Jackson (1811–95), originally from Manlius, New York, was a prominent physician and abolitionist editor. On the advice of Gerrit Smith, he settled in Peterboro, New York, in 1838. During 1840 and 1841 he assisted Nathaniel P. Rogers in editing the National Anti-Slavery Standard and dissuaded New Yorkers from voting for the Liberty party in the 1840 elections. By 1841, however, Smith had convinced Jackson to edit a third-party paper, and from 1842 to 1846 Jackson edited the Liberty Press, then the Albany Patriot, for the Liberty party. He was also a founder of the Liberty League, a radical offshoot of the Liberty party, in 1847. Jackson attended both Liberty party and Free Democratic party conventions in 1852 and ultimately supported the latter. In his later years, Jackson became a physician and opened a popular hydropathy establishment in Dansville, New York. NS, 31 March 1848; FDP, 10 September, 15 October 1852; Merrill and Ruchames, Garrison Letters, 3: 110n; Friedman, Gregarious Saints, 98, 100–102; Sewell, Ballots for Freedom, 69, 76, 117; DAB, 9:547. Wm L ChaplinChaplin, William Lawrence
In August 1850 William L. Chaplin (1796-1871) was among a group arrested for aiding fugitive slaves. Originally a lawyer, Chaplin left his legal practice in Easton, Massachusetts, to devote himself to the abolitionist movement in New York in the 1830s. He worked for the Liberty party as a lecturer and editor, becoming an associate of Gerrit Smith. In 1850 Chaplin assisted a group of slaves who had escaped from slave owners Alexander H. Stephens and Robert Toombs. Authorities arrested Chaplin and charged him with violating the Fugitive Slave Act in both Washington, D.C., and Maryland. Three of Chaplin’s longtime New York abolitionist friends, James C. Jackson, Joseph C. Hathaway, and Theodosia Gilbert, rushed to Washington to attend to Chaplin’s needs while jailed. Free Democrat Congressman Joshua Giddings and Senator Salmon P. Chase aided in Chaplin’s legal defense. Opponents of the Fugitive Slave Act, led by Smith, rallied around the case and posted the bond of $25,000 for Chaplin. Back in New York in 1851, Chaplin refused to return south for his trial and worked only briefly to raise funds to reimburse those who stood his bail. He drifted away from Gerrit Smith and, together with Jackson and Hathaway, moved into the Free Democratic camp. Chaplin later married Gilbert and joined Jackson in operating a water cure establishment in Glen Haven, New York. Henry Wilson, History of the Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America, 3 vols. (Boston, 1874), 2:80-82; Stanley Harrold, Subversives: Antislavery Community in Washington, D.C., 1826-1865 (Baton Rouge, La., 2003), 157-62; Friedman, Gregarioas Saints, 123; Harlow, Gerrit Smith, 290-95; Lawrence J. Friedman, “The Gerrit Smith Circle: Abolitionism in the Burned-Over District,” CWH, 26:19-37 (March 1980).In August 1850 William L. Chaplin (1796-1871) was among a group arrested for aiding fugitive slaves. Originally a lawyer, Chaplin left his legal practice in Easton, Massachusetts, to devote himself to the abolitionist movement in New York in the 1830s. He worked for the Liberty party as a lecturer and editor, becoming an associate of Gerrit Smith. In 1850 Chaplin assisted a group of slaves who had escaped from slave owners Alexander H. Stephens and Robert Toombs. Authorities arrested Chaplin and charged him with violating the Fugitive Slave Act in both Washington, D.C., and Maryland. Three of Chaplin’s longtime New York abolitionist friends, James C. Jackson, Joseph C. Hathaway, and Theodosia Gilbert, rushed to Washington to attend to Chaplin’s needs while jailed. Free Democrat Congressman Joshua Giddings and Senator Salmon P. Chase aided in Chaplin’s legal defense. Opponents of the Fugitive Slave Act, led by Smith, rallied around the case and posted the bond of $25,000 for Chaplin. Back in New York in 1851, Chaplin refused to return south for his trial and worked only briefly to raise funds to reimburse those who stood his bail. He drifted away from Gerrit Smith and, together with Jackson and Hathaway, moved into the Free Democratic camp. Chaplin later married Gilbert and joined Jackson in operating a water cure establishment in Glen Haven, New York. Henry Wilson, History of the Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America, 3 vols. (Boston, 1874), 2:80-82; Stanley Harrold, Subversives: Antislavery Community in Washington, D.C., 1826-1865 (Baton Rouge, La., 2003), 157-62; Friedman, Gregarioas Saints, 123; Harlow, Gerrit Smith, 290-95; Lawrence J. Friedman, “The Gerrit Smith Circle: Abolitionism in the Burned-Over District,” CWH, 26:19-37 (March 1980).
, and J. C. HathawayHathaway, Joseph C.
—are quite willing to go into the next presidential election under Free Soil—and Antifugitive Slave bill leaders. I write not to condemn this policy. These are wise and honorable men, and what they propose may be for the best; but so it does not now strike me. I know not your mind concerning it. But my own conviction is that the policy is unwise, and if adopted will be followed by mischievious results. I think we ought to stand by and maintain the Liberty Party—with all its great principles and purposes. I do confide much in your judgement as to all matters touching the cause of human freedom. I therefore solicit a few lines to let me know your opinion of this matter.4Smith sent Douglass numerous public letters for publication in Frederick Douglass ’ Paper, but none on the topic of the future of the Liberty party. FDP, 4 March 1852. I can not promise that I could follow—if you should go for disbanding the Liberty party—but I will promise to stand by that party—if you say Stand!
One thing more—My dear Sir, you MUST yes; you must (if you possibly can,) attend the convention in this city on the 18 & 19th March.5The Rochester Ladies’ Anti-Slavery Society issued a call for “A GRAND ANTI-SLAVERY FESTIVAL AND BAZAAR” in the city on 18 and 19 March 1852. The society also planned a “GRAND ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION” to coincide with the bazaar “to secure the presence of some of the ablest and most eloquent advocates of emancipation in the country.” FDP, 29 January 1852.
You quite encourage me about my chirography.6Chirography is handwriting or penmanship. My hand is a picked
up one—gathered from different sources and therefore lacks consistency. How different with your self—I should know your hand, I had almost said —although you should make but a straight mark.
Please Remember me kindly to Mrs. SmithSmith, Ann Carroll Fitzhugh
On 2 January 1822, Ann Carroll Fitzhugh (1805–75), sometimes called “Nancy,” became the second wife of Gerrit Smith. She was born in Hagerstown, Maryland, where her father, William Fitzhugh (1761–1839), was a prominent planter connected to elite families. In 1800 Fitzhugh entered into a real estate venture with his neighbors Charles Carroll and Nathaniel Rochester. The three purchased land in upstate New York and established the town of Rochester, where Fitzhugh moved his family in 1815. He became a prominent resident and philanthropist, contributing to the growth of the town into a City. Gerrit and Ann Smith had eight children, including Elizabeth Smith Miller (1822–1911), who followed in her father’ s footsteps to become an activist and reformer in her own right. Octavius Brooks Frothingham, Gerrit Smith: A Biography (New York, 1909), 27; Harlow, Gerrit Smith, 16; Robert McNamara, “Charles Carroll of Belle Vue: Co-founder of Rochester,” RH, 42:1, 13 (October 1980).
.7Ann Carroll Fitzhugh Smith.
Your faithful and affectionate friend,
FREDERICK DOUGLASS.
[P.S.] Sallie HolleyHolley, Sallie
The daughter of Myron Holley, a founder of the Liberty party, Sallie Holley (1818-93) was born in Canandaigua and raised on a farm near Rochester, New York. She attended Oberlin College and, while there, converted from political abolitionism to Garrisonianism after attending a lecture by Abby Kelley Foster. Following her graduation in 1851, Holley became an effective traveling lecturer for the American Anti-Slavery Society. During and after the Civil War, she raised funds and gathered clothing to assist the newly emancipated southern slaves. In 1870 Holley joined Caroline F. Putnam, her close friend since college days, at Lottsburg, Virginia, where they operated a school for blacks. John White Chadwick, A Life for Liberty: Anti-Slavery and Other Letters of Sallie Holley (1899; New York, 1969); Lee Chambers-Schiller, Liberty, A Better Husband: Single Women in America, the Generations of 1780-1840 (New Haven, Conn., 1984), 149-55; NAW, 2:205-06.
lectures here this evening.8Holley delivered an abolitionist lecture in Rochester’s Corinthian Hall in mid-February 1852. FDP, 19 February 1852. She now wears the bonds that I have thrown off being a pupel of Mrs. FosterFoster, Abigail Kelley
Abby Kelley (1811-87) was born in Pelham village, Worcester County, Massachusetts, the seventh daughter of Wing Kelley, a farmer, and Diana Daniels, his second wife. Kelley was heavily influenced by her Quaker upbringing, but she later broke from the church because of its relative conservatism. Although her early schooling was scanty and deficient, Kelley saved and borrowed money in order to attend the New England Friends Boarding School in Providence, Rhode Island. At age nineteen she returned home and then began a career of teaching in Lynn, Massachusetts, where she became an abolitionist through the Lynn Female Anti-Slavery Society. In 1838 Kelley spoke at Pennsylvania Hall in Philadelphia as it was being attacked by an angry protesting mob. In the same year she joined the New England Anti-Slavery Society, previously a male-only organization. She began a career as a lecturer, at both women's and men's gatherings, especially in conservative Connecticut. Kelley married Stephen Symonds Foster, another radical abolitionist, on 21 December 1845. Traveling together on the reform circuit, they were among the most prominent antislavery lecturers in the 1840s and 1850s. Sterling, Ahead of Her Time; EAAH, 2:39-40.
Perhaps the best known female American abolitionist. Abigail Kelley Foster (1810-87) was born in Pelham, Massachusetts. She was educated at the Friends School, Providence, Rhode Island, and later taught at a similar establishment in Lynn, Massachusetts. In 1837 she joined the antislavery movement and two years later, following the path blazed by Angelina Grimké, embarked on a career as an abolitionist lecturer. Her talents led Garrisonian abolitionists to choose her as an officer of the American Anti-Slavery Society in 1840, provoking antifeminist abolitionists to bolt the organization. She continued to lecture and raise funds for the Garrisonians and in 1845 married Stephen S. Foster. another prominent abolitionist lecturer. In the 1850s both Fosters became outspoken advocates for women's rights in addition to abolition. Quarrels with Garrison over political action led Abby Foster and her husband to become inactive in the American Anti-Slavery Society in the late 1850s. Ill health forced her to be less active as a reformer after the Civil War, but in 1873 she attracted considerable publicity for woman suffrage by refusing to pay taxes on the family farm in protest against her disenfranchisement. The Fosters and Douglass had lectured together in Rhode Island in November and December 1841. Jane Hanna Pease, “The Freshness of Fanaticism: Abby Kelley Foster: An Essay in Reform" (PhD. diss., Univ. of Rochester, 1969); C. B. Galbreath, “Anti-Slavery Movement in Columbiana County," Ohio Archaeological and Historical Publications, 30: 391-92 (1921); DAB, 6: 542-43.
,9Abby Kelley Foster. and as I fear goes it blind. She will however see her way out, in the end.
ALS: Gerrit Smith Papers, NSyU. PLSr: Foner, Life and Writings, 2:169–70.
