Washington, Feb. 22d, 1854.

DEAR FRIEND:— This is Washington's
birth-day; so Congress is taking holiday—and neither Senate not House are in session.
I must not let the opportunity pass for writ
ing; so I have snatched half an hour from
the bright and happy circle that surrounds
me, for the purpose of trying to tell you
what I have seen and heard since I last
wrote. Yet this is a somewhat difficult mat
ter. I must, necessarily, crowd much into
a brief space; and then one is continually
interrupted be the pleasant visits of pleas
ant friends. Mr Charles A. Wheaton has
just arrived from Charleston, and has been
telling me of the gangs of slaves he saw
while traveling South, and of his visit to
the house of John C. Calhoun; and now
the good Sarah M. Grimkee is here; and I
want to see as much of her as I can;—so I
must use Spartan brevity (if ever woman
did,) and tell you as much as possible in
such a compass.

I was, on Sunday morning, completely tired
out with the fatigue and excitment of the
past week, and had such a severe headache,
that listening to a sermon would have been
altogether of "the letter" that "killeth;" so
I rested quietly—and as the weather was
splendid, I enjoyed the fresh breezes of the
Potomac by crossing the Long Bridge (a
mile in length) which spans the river, and
connects the State of Maryland with that of
Virginia. We did not go far into the latter
State; I saw some poor slave boys lying on
the ground, taking holiday in the sunshine.
I longed to talk with them; but it would not
have been prudent, as our party consisted of
ladies, and there were a number of ill-look
ing white idlers around. A boisterous wind
arose on Sunday night, followed by a snow
storm, which lasted until Tuesday morning.
Old Mr. Boreas had desperate battling with
a few determined ones among us, who re
solved to reach the House of Representatives
on Monday; but we conquered and reached
the Capitol at last. I cannot say I was re
paid—for Mr. SMITHSmith, Gerrit

Gerrit Smith (1797– 1874), a New York businessman and land speculator, became best known for his philanthropic work for such reform causes as temperance and abolition. Between 1828 and 1835, he donated large sums of money to the American Colonization Society, but abandoned that movement in 1835 when his sympathies shifted to the immediate abolitionists. In the 1840s, he gave approximately 140,000 acres of land in upstate New York to three thousand black settlers, thus qualifying them to vote. Smith was a founder and frequent candidate of the Liberty party, running for governor of New York on that ticket in 1840 and winning a seat in Congress in 1852. When the Free Soil merger with moderate antislavery Democrats and Whigs lured away many Liberty party supporters, Smith helped bankroll that organization until 1860. Smith befriended Douglass when the latter moved to Rochester, and Smith frequently helped finance Frederick Douglass’ Paper. Like Douglass, Smith supported John Brown, but psychological stress caused by the failure at Harpers Ferry brought on the first of a series of bipolar episodes that greatly reduced his subsequent reform activities. Ralph Volney Harlow, Gerrit Smith: Philanthropist and Reformer (1939; New York, 1972); Gerald Sorin, The New York Abolitionists: A Case Study of Political Radicalism (Westport, Conn., 1971), 269– 87; Lewis Perry, Radical Abolitionism: Anarchy and the Government of God in Antislavery Thought (Ithaca, N.Y., 1973), 170– 80; John R. McKivigan and Madeleine Leveille, “The ‘Black Dream’ of Gerrit Smith, New York Abolitionist,” Syracuse University Library Associates Courier, 20:61– 76 (Fall 1985); NCAB , 2:322– 23; DAB, 17:270– 71. , who I hoped might
obtain the floor, did not do so; and I only
heard two or three indifferent speakers.—
Among whom was EWING of Kentucky, who
made a thorough Southern speech on Ne
braska; and then the House adjourned in
confusion, as usual. A strangely turbulent
assemblage is this House of Representatives.
I cannot but wish that our friend, GERRIT
SMITH, were in the Senate. It must be far
more pleasant to speak in the Senate Cham
ber—for order reigns there; and, so far as
I am able to judge of their proceedings, the
Senators listen to each others' sentiments
with respectful attention.

MR. PETTIT, of Indiana, spoke in the Sen
ate on Monday, in favor of the Nebraska
bill. I did not hear him. I understand
that he was followed by Mr. CASS, who op
poses his views, and who also made a few re
marks yesterday at the opening of the ses
sion, and before the great and glorious speech
of the Hon. CHARLES SUMNER. The snow
fell so thickly during Monday night, that
we were almost snowed in yesterday morn
ing. Sleighing here is very rare, and sleighs
few and far between. No mail cart came to
our door; no carriages were visible; and it
was altogether doubtful whether they could
be used. At one time I was almost in des
pair of hearing the noble Senator from
Massachusetts; but, at length, I resolved
that go I would—come what might; and I hit
on an excellent plan for carrying out my
purpose. I knew that Mr. Smith would
wade through the snow drifts (how high so
ever they might be) to the Capitol; and I
proposed to follow precisely in his
track.—This I contrived to accomplish he making
the path for me to walk in; and so we reach
ed the Capitol, and the Ladies' Gallery of
the Senate Chamber, which became densely
crowded with an enthusiastic
audience.—Soon the hero of the day arrived. You know
Senator Sumner well—so I will not descrbe
him. He looked perfectly unembarrassed and
at home, and this convinced me that he felt
equal to the great occasion. The preliminary
business petitions, and remarks of various
Senators occupied the first hour and a half,
during which time the manifestations of in
terest and excitement were encreasing. At
half past one o'clock, Mr. Sumner commenc
ed his speech. He occupied two hours and
a half in its delivery, and was listened to
throughout with undivided attention. The
Southerners sat in their seats; many mem
bers of the House were present, and every
face was turned towards the eloquent speaker.
You know I am somewhat difficult to please
in the matter of speaking. I was prepared
for the beauty of Senator Sumner's speech,
but not for the power of his argument. I
have never in this country, and rarely in
England, listened to a speaker at once, so
eloquent, so highly finished, so
classical, and so graceful.

I will not attempt to go into the line of ar
gument he adopted against the proposed
Nebraska measures. This was
twofold;—both the points that he made seemed to me
unanswerable; but I am neither politician
nor sophist—and I suppose Mr. TOOMBS of
Georgia (who is to be the next speaker) will
find flaws which are to me undiscoverable.

I must not omit to mention one little cir
cumstance in connection with this grand day
of Freedom in the Senate. As, in rapid suc
cession, one burst of manly eloquence fol
lowed another, I could discern from the

eager, earnest faces around me, that the
audience (I mean the visitors) were sym
pathising with the speaker, and soon this
was made manifest. When Senator Sumner
uttered the words,"that modern anomaly—a Northern man with Southern feeling," the
acclamations in the gallery could not be
restrained. I don't quite know whether I
clapped or not. It seemed as though the
pent up enthusiasm must have vent, and could
be restrained no longer. The President re
quested the speaker to pause a moment—when he shouted out "ORDER. If I per
ceive the slightest demonstration, I will
order these galleries to be cleared immedi
ately;" so we put on our good behavior to
the close of the speech. The more I hear of
this Nebraska question, the more I see the
importance of steering clear of all compro
mises, if possible—and thus of avoiding the
complexities, difficulties and misunderstand
ings to which it seems to me they must in
evitably lead.

I cannot doubt but that some of the South
erners are honest in believing that NEBRASKA
should be theirs—and that this infamous
bill, if passed, would be no violation of the
MISSOURI Compromise. Shame on the Nor
thern renegades, that have dared, on behalf
of the North, to offer them such a tempting
bait. Though the bill is sure to pass the
Senate, (GOV. SEWARD, the other evening,
told me that every bill for the extension of
slavery has heretofore passed the Senate,) I
do not believe it will pass the House. The
Northern members fear the wrath of their
constituents, if they vote for the bill; so, you
see, my friend, the importance of converting
these formidable constituents to anti-slavery
principles. So, only can we hope to secure,
in time, a large majority in the House of
Representatives on the side of freedom. Pray,
publish the speeches of Senators SUMNER
and SEWARD as early as possible; they ought
to be widely circulated. Our friend, GERRIT
SMITH, made a speech yesterday in the
House, on "the Homestead bill." I was very
sorry to miss it; but I shared that loss with
all his family—none of whom were present,
although all desired to hear him. His speech
will be published.

The Hutchinsons are here, but I have not
seen them. I have met Dr. Harriet K. Hunt
several times, also Cathrine Fox, the young
est sister, you know, of "the Fox family."—I have heard numerous rappings, and have
had wonderous answers to questions. I hear
that the City of New York alone contains
twenty thousand believers on spiritualists.—Many of the mediums are, just now, feeling
impelled to come to WASHINGTON. We ex
pect a miraculous medium here to-night, who
told us this morning that he "sees into the
other world whenever he shuts his eyes!" Ver
ily this is an age of wonders!

The deep snow on the ground prevents
our spending Washington's birth-day at
MOUNT VERNON. I enjoyed a beautiful walk
(snow notwithstanding) round the grounds
of the Capitol this morning. We are all
looking anxiously for the mail, which has not
arrived for two days. I want letters from
Rochester. Excuse the desolatory style of
this letter, and believe me,

Yours truly,

JULIA GRIFFITHS.