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Martin R. Delany to Frederick Douglass, June 1, 1848

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Sandusky, June 1st, 1848.

Dear Douglass:—I have arrived thus far on my journey from the two great conventions—the one an independent gathering of the people, irrespective of party ties and basis, opposed to the regular nominees of the Baltimore and Philadelphia Conventions, Cass and Taylor; the first a most unscrupulous pro-slaveryite; the second, an unconscionable slave-holder—and the Liberty Party Convention, which took place immediately on the adjournment of the Independent.

I shall not consume time by giving the preliminaries, as these you have long since had by the published proceedings; but there are two circumstances connected with these meetings worthy of special notice: that the rabid editor of one of the most loathsome pro-slavery papers in the country, S. Medary, of the Ohio Statesman, the Democratic organ in Ohio, should actually tender the use of the "Democratic Hall," owned by himself, to the Convention; and after its organization, which took place in the hall, Mr. Wood, Auditor of State, in behalf of himself and the proper authorities, tendered the use of the Hall of Representatives, in the Capitol, which was occupied by the Convention. I am credibly informed by knowing citizens of Columbus, that in the absence of the Legislature, this is the first instance in which the Capitol was ever granted for any purpose whatever. However much we may approve of the courtesy, it is no difficult task for you and me to determine the cause of this manoeuvre. Well, as the old slave woman said, who, when hungry, prayed that God would, even as he "fed Elijah, the prophet, by ravens," feed her, at the instance of which sentence, a number of mischievous youths, who had been listening to her supplications, stealthily threw down her cabin chimney a large loaf of bread, turned round and exclaimed, "Thank God, it is good, if the devil sent it!"

The Convention was a numerous and enthusiastic gathering of the fearless and independent spirits of the heretofore bound and trammeled partizans. There was no public building in Columbus sufficiently capacious to contain them, and there being no shade nearer than two miles from the city corporation, the weather being extremely warm, many, very many, came without an opportunity of once gaining admittance within doors, as it was impossible to sit without. I had a comfortable and conspicuous place during the whole session, which was two days, some one of the delegates always extending to me the privilege of a seat.

The President of the Convention, Mr. Sawyer, of Hamilton county, is a staunch and unflinching Whig, and the two Vice-Presidents, if I mistake not, were chosen from the Democratic and Liberty party ranks. The principal speakers were Messrs. Hamblin, W. Vaughan, W. Platt, D. Taylor, W. Chase of Indiana, L. Briggs, W. Lewis, L. Vance, W. Birney, Jr., L. Bliss, D. Hull, L., and Preston. There were a number of other speakers also—a Mr. Harding, of Indiana, L., who, like Dr. Chase of the same State, were there as mere visitors, in order to convey to their constituents the spirit that prevails in Ohio against the monstrous outrage upon the rights of freemen, perpetrated by the Baltimore and Philadelphia Conventions. And certain am I, if they but properly report the doings of this Convention, they will tell a story that shall not be difficult to comprehend. President Mahan, I should have stated, of Oberlin College, was among the most prominent speakers at the Convention.

The position of many of the speakers was highly independent, some truly philanthropic, and one in particular, Mr. Vaughan, (late editor of the Examiner,) was pungently humiliating when he exhibited the blistering contempt with which the North was regarded by the South, as manifested in the Philadelphia Convention, of which he was a Whig delegate, from Hamilton county, Ohio.

Mr. Vaughan observed, that although the whole Southern delegation had repeatedly spoken, stating their choice of persons, yet the President emphatically refused Mr. Galaway, the Secretary of State, or any of the

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Ohio delegation, the privilege to speak, for the very and ostensible reason, that he was aware that their choice of candidates was Judge McLean, Hon. Thos. Corwin, or some other Northern man with Anti-Slavery feelings; hence, the determination to prevent the name of such a person from coming before the Convention. After repeated attempts to speak, without success, the Southerners all having done, says Mr. Vaughan, and the President being nominated, a Southern delegate rose in his place and observed, "The Northern members can now nominate the Vice President; the South don't want ALL the officers;" and this, said the speaker, was said with such an air of conscious generosity on the part of the Southern delegate, that he was gracious to his inferiors, that "O!" said he, "I only wish that every freeman in Ohio could have been there to hear him, and I have no fears but every one would immediately have denounced all the old parties, and never more favor a Southern nomination."

Another speaker said, "We are for the liberties of the WHOLE American people, without distinction. 'Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,' is our watchword."

Mr. Hamlin, Whig ex-member of Congress, and also Mr. Vance, were quite anti-slavery in their definitions; but Mr. Briggs, a prominent Whig of Cleveland, one who so assiduously labored for the elevation of Henry Clay to the Chief Magistracy of this nation, was particularly and unreservedly explicit in giving utterance to his sentiments, and what he conceived to be genuine Republican, Whig and Democratic principles.

"It was intended," said Mr. Briggs, "by our forefathers, that this country should be the home of the children of every country and clime under heaven. They tell us that the negro is inferior; give the slave a chance, give the black an equal chance with the white man, and he will be all that the white man is. I am in favor of universal education, and the universal equality of all mankind; and with these principles we will march under a white flag, with a single black stripe in it, which shall represent the American SLAVE."

These and similar remarks were received with rapturous applause. Mr. Briggs was most happy in his remarks, and made a clear and distinct exhibit of those principles of Republican philanthropy, as the basis upon which should rest the superstructure of every free and enlightened government.

Altogether, this was a cheering and hopeful event for the downtrodden and oppressed of our land, a ray of light beaming upon the difficult pathway of the half million nominally free colored residents of the U.S. in general, and on those of Ohio in particular. I know not whether it was the effect of policy or the absence of proper feeling towards them; but it is a fact worthy of remark, that all the sympathy expressed or manifested for the colored people by the speakers, emanated from the Whig and Democratic members, and save Messrs. Chase, and perhaps Hull, none from the Liberty party delegates.

I cannot countenance and tolerate in Liberty men that which I have ever condemned in the old conservative parties; and I shall say here, as I have and shall ever say elsewhere, that I hope that our Liberty party brethren may never lose sight of the fundamental and primary object of their party, at least of Anti-slavery organizations; because so soon as they become conservative, they cease to be the friends of the oppressed, and, like the other parties, stand as despots and tyrants, resting in very indifference, with their horrible weight upon crushed and outraged humanity. I earnestly entreat our Liberty brethren, in their deliberations, to think and say more about the slave and the condition of the free colored people. If these be discarded—if, as I have heard it asserted, these form no essential part of the Liberty party—if, indeed, these form not the foundation upon which rests the Liberty temple—then let it, with the other parties, be scattered to the four winds of heaven, and by every colored person loathed as a monster in disguise, like the "Liberty boys" of seventy-six, only requiring power to carry their designs into execution. But we must, and shall hope and believe differently, until the contrary be fully proven; and then, and not till then, shall we lift up the battle-axe in vindictive warfare against it.—But our friends, if they desire our co-operation or approbation, must not forget or neglect our interest. This is imperative. We have been duped and cajoled now quite sufficient.

The Liberty Convention met on Thursday, the 22d, immediately subsequent to the adjournment of the Independent Convention, taking the usual course in such conventions, but deferred the gubernatorial nomination until the views of the Whig and Democratic nominees—Ford and Weller—were obtained on the subject of slavery and free territory.—If favorable, a Liberty nomination may not be made; if to the contrary, the Liberty Central or Executive Committee have the power, who certainly will, in such on event, nominate a Liberty candidate for Governor of Ohio. At this Convention, great speeches were also made, Mr. Samuel Lewis making one of his greatest and best efforts. He is a great speaker—stern, resolute and determined—perhaps too inflexible in general, but in this Convention, I considered his course quite deliberative.

Friday evening the 23d, held a meeting in the Methodist Church, among the colored citizens, and obtained some subscribers. My very worthy and talented friend, Charles H. Langston, assisted me on this, as well as subsequent occasions.

Monday evening the 26th, held a meeting in Mechanicsburg, a small village in (if I mistake not) Champaign county. This meeting was well attended, although I arrived at sunset, without previous notice; one-half of the assembly consisting of ladies. In this place, Mr. Wilson, the school-teacher, is sole owner of the school-house, which is erected on his land, for the double purpose of school-house and anti-slavery meetings, previous to which a house could not be obtained for the purpose. The little anti-slavery spirit which pervades this community, like the "little leaven," has almost "leavened the whole lump."

Wednesday the 28th.—This evening, after sunset, I arrived in a small village of between four and five hundred inhabitants, called Marseilles. On entering the street, I found a number of persons, who, from their appearance, looked as though they were among the principal men of the place, "pitching quoits" in the centre of the principal street. As soon as I was discovered, they suspended their sport, all, or nearly so, to the hotel at which I stopped, as usual in those country places West, being attracted there by the novelty of strangers, yet apprehended nothing more than usual in such cases. I was soon, in a polite manner, questioned by the proprietor of the hotel, whom I found to be a Liberty man, who, suspecting our mission, and who had attended the recent Columbus Convention, and withal a very clever man. Finding who I was, and learning my mission, a meeting was immediately proposed by this gentleman, whose name, neglecting to note down, I have since forgotten.

Consultation being had with several persons, especially one person pretending to be an abolitionist, who sat in the room with us, making many inquiries about Douglass, Garrison and Remond, arrangements were effected, and a meeting determined upon. The house being lighted, in a few minutes, as it was now dark, Mr. Langston and I went off to the place of meeting, the school house.—On passing along the streets, the side-ways were strung along with young men, lads and boys, among whom were those who were the most eager for the meeting, and had lighted up the house, who, as we passed, scoffed and used disrespectful language, falling in the train immediately behind us and close to our heels, until we entered the school-house, which we found empty, with the exception of some three or four respectable-looking men, who appeared as if they came for the sake of the meeting. We had barely entered the house, when they came pouring in, boys and men, to the number of perhaps forty or fifty, looking ready and eager for any and every mischief. To this, however, I make the exception of about half a dozen gentlemen, among whom are included our host of the hotel, and a book-binder, who sojourned at the same house. When on our way to the school-house, I turned back for a copy of the paper, Mr. Langston stopping by the wayside to wait for me, who being so light in color, that many of them mistook him to be what is called "white": hence, he had a favorable opportunity to hear their schemes and language concerning us. On my return to Mr. Langston, he immediately related to me what he had heard, peremptorily refusing, in consequence of the disrespectful spirit manifested and the conduct of the persons present, to speak at all on the occasion.

I rose up, and in a respectful manner declined to speak under the circumstances.—The house, it is true, was quiet, and may have, for aught I know, remained so until I had finished a long discourse, at least, until some position was taken which displeased them, when, from what really followed, it would not then be difficult to determine the consequence. The host of the hotel, and one other gentleman, whose motives, there is no doubt, were the best, hoped that I would give them a lecture, they having no idea of the cause of my refusal. Instanter, a man rose up, the identical person who had previously, Judas-like, manifested at the hotel such friendly feelings, and observed: "I move that we adjourn, by considering this a darkey burlesque!" This was but food for the rabble; all leaving the house, with a loud shout of "darkey burlesque!" and this repeated continually, with many other epithets of disparagement, until we reached the hotel.

But nothing less than a MOB would satisfy these craven wretches. They had come to the meeting with the full intention, and were now ready to destroy us, by the aid of "any hand that would administer to their wrath and second their vengeance." The more effectually to accomplish their object, a brass drum, tamborine, clarionet, violin, jaw-bone of a horse, castanets, and a number of other instruments, or whatever would tend to excite and rally a formidable mob, did these miserable outlaws resort to.

The crowd, which consisted well nigh of all the men and boys in the neighborhood, who were able to throw a brickbat, being now assembled "the tar and feathers" were demanded, with a tone which told forcibly the determination with which they intended to carrying out their threats. A tar barrel was procured, and after many yelps and howls which rent the air around, they succeeded, in the course of some twenty minutes, in staving in the head. But it appeared that this barrel had been too closely drained of its contents, and as the village was but small, there was none other in the place, as the barrel was obtained from the principal store, directly opposite the hotel, which place was the general head-quarters of the rowdies for the night.—Failing to find tar sufficient in which to saturate us, they resorted to another expedient, which they were certain would have the desired effect.

A torch was brought, and the tar barrel set in a flame, when store boxes were piled upon it, which produced a fire that must have been seen several miles around. The fire was built in the middle of the street, directly opposite the hotel in which we staid. Then came the cry, "Burn them alive!—kill the niggers!—they shall never leave this place!—bring them out!—rush in and take them!—Which is their room? Niggers! come out, or we will burn down the house over your heads!" A consultation was held, the result of which was, that they would rush into our room, drag us out, tie and hand-cuff us, and take us immediately to the South and sell us! declaring that I would bring ["]fifteen hundred dollars, cash"! Turning to a blacksmith in the crowd, they asked him whether he would make the "hand-cuffs," he, slave like, answered "yes, any moment." This, I would observe, was the language of men, and not of lads and boys, who formed no inconsiderable part of this gang of rowdies. Our position was such that we could look down upon them, reconnoitre their every movement, and hear all that was said. This position we occupied with as much coolness and deliberation as though nothing was transpiring below, fully determined not to leave it only with the loss of our life. We had done nothing worthy of such treatment, and, therefore, under no circumstances, could submit to personal violence. My friends may censure me—even both of us—for this, but we cannot help it. We are not slaves, nor will we tamely suffer the treatment of slaves, let it come from a high or low source, or from wherever it may.

Then came the most horrible howling and yelling, cursing and blasphemy, every disparaging, reproachful, degrading, vile and vulgar epithet that could be conceived by the most vitiated imaginations, which bedlam of shocking discord was kept up from nine until one o'clock at night. There is no tongue can express nor mind conceive the terrible uproar and ferocious blackguardism of this night's proceedings. Hallooing, cursing, and swearing, blackguardism—the roaring of drums, beating of tamborines, blowing of instruments and horns, the rattling of bones, smashing of store boxes and boards for the fire—all going on at once and the same time, incessantly for the space of four hours, by far exceeding anything of a similar nature which I have ever witnessed. If "all pandemonium had been let loose," and every imp had been a demon, each demon possessing a thousand tongues, each tongue capable of uttering a thousand demoniac howls, it could not have increased the infernal turmoil of this night's proceedings. The wretches, not possessing courage sufficient to drag us by force into the street, where to execute, in the midst of their assembled hundreds, their hellish designs, conceived the plot of disfiguring and disabling our horse, and breaking the buggy to pieces. Two or three gentlemen, who overhearing their plot, cautiously secreted the horse and buggy in the barn of a neighbor, which prevented this nefarious scheme from being put into execution. I would observe, that during all this midnight outrage, the proprietor of the hotel acted like a man, and I have no doubt but his influence contributed much, in the morning, toward bringing them to a sober reflection.

The mob eventually concluded, after rioting around the hotel until past one o'clock, having burnt, in all probability, all the spare store boxes, to retire until morning; but not, however, without giving strict instructions to the ostler boy, who slept in the bar-room of the hotel, that should we in the night attempt to flee, to give the storekeeper near the hotel speedy notice, who was to call up his troop by the beating of the brass drum, as they, like the forty Jews against Paul, declared that they would neither eat nor drink until they took our lives; and be this remembered, it was not for anything that had been said, but simply for what we did not say. We gave them no pretext for a mob, but to have one they were determined.

In the morning early, there were six only of them on the ground, among them a store keeper, as I learned, who howled and yelped as we left the hotel, two of whom secreted themselves in a shed, and stoned us, striking the horse and buggy, fortunately without injury to either. I have no doubt had they not feared the consequences, and probably from their blackguardism the night previous, been ashamed to be seen, though early in the morning, and identified, but they would have endeavored, at least, to do us some serious injury. Those who were present threatened us in the name of the town, that should either of us pass that way again our doom was fixed. Unfortunately, I could not learn the name of one of these insufferable villains.—We left this place unharmed, and even unfrightened, as we were reconciled as to the course we should pursue.

We arrived in Sandusky City on Friday evening the 30th inst., and shall proceed from here to Detroit city, where there is now a very interesting slave case pending before the U.S. Court, Judges McLean and Wilkins. I shall report you concerning this case from Detroit.

Yours, for God and Humanity,

M. R. D.

Creator

Delany, Martin R.

Date

1848-06-01

Description

Martin R. Delany to Frederick Douglass. PLIr: NS, 14 July 1848. Details events of antislavery convention in Ohio.

Publisher

This document was calendared in the published volume and has not been published in full before.

Collection

North Star

Type

Letters

Publication Status

Unpublished

Source

North Star