Victor, Dec. 11, 1848.

Friend Douglass:—When can you come again to Victor? There are many here who would like to hear you, and there are some (very pious ones) who wouldn't hear you anyway! Their [illegible] sensibilities are so shocked at your exposure of the [illegible] hypocrisy of pro-slavery and time-serving pries, and their glowing patriotism revolts at your truthful denunciations of slaveholders, and the crime of voting for such men for civil office. The trouble with these men is, would they confess the truth, "In so saying, thou reproachest us also!" But never mind these, if they choose to practise inquiry, shun reproof, and shrink from investigation, let them stay at home—we can get a housefull without them. Though the Presbyterian and Methodist churches are shut against the cause of the slave, the Universalist meeting house can be had at any time. A Society meeting was held in the Presbyterian church last week.—Application as made for the use of the house now and then, for temperance and anti-slavery meetings. It would have amused you to have heard the chat—the pro's and con's on the occasion. It could not be called a debate, for it was without form or order. The chairman was entirely ignorant of the duties of his office, and showed himself the most officious person present. When a motion was made and seconded, to open the house for temperance and anti-slavery meetings, instead of putting the question, or submitting it for debate, he instantly commenced, while sitting in his chair, and in the most authoritative manner, to declare his decided opposition to the passage of such a resolution. He "would not have the house opened for anti-slavery meetings any way." Some were willing the house should be opened for temperance meetings a part of the time, if other house would open their doors a part of the time!—Many were opposed to the use of the house for any other than religious purposes, as it would soil the carpets! thus making the rags under foot of more consequence than the cause of righteousness and humanity. They refused to pass any vote on the subject, breaking up in confusion, and staving off the whole matter by an abrupt motion to adjourn. It was altogether a very pious affair. The presiding officer had just been guilty of voting for that human butcher and slaveholder, Gen. Zachary Taylor, and that too, after having declared, but a short time previously, that he would suffer his right arm to fall from his shoulder, before he would ever again vote for a slaveholder.

About the first person elected, and to the most important office, was a man who owns and receives the rent of a liquor house. O tempora! O mores! This same man has been a Liberty man—a professed friend of freedom. Another one of the newly-appointed trustees, who has also been a liberty man, was willing the house should be open for temperance, but not for anti-slavery. He said, as a man, he was in favor of opening the house for anti-slavery meetings, but as a trustee, he was opposed to it—thus proving false to his professions, and, for the sake of the paltry office in a pro-slavery church, stultifying himself, and shutting out the cause of the poor and oppressed.

Notwithstanding the plain commands of God—"Make unto yourselves righteous rulers"—"He that ruleth over man must be just, ruling in the fear of God," many of the leading members in all these professed Christian churches, voted for a man whose life has been devoted to shedding human blood, and who now lives on the unpaid labor of slaves! 'Tis not strange. You understand why anti-slavery is shut out of these meeting-houses.—It is not a pleasant task to expose inconsistency and hypocrisy, but it is a duty that we owe to truth and the cause of humanity; and I speak not of these things but with feelings of deep regret that they are so.

Notwithstanding these votes for Taylor, this town gave 46 majority for Free Soil.—Cass had 5 votes, and Gerrit SmithSmith, Gerrit

Gerrit Smith (1797– 1874), a New York businessman and land speculator, became best known for his philanthropic work for such reform causes as temperance and abolition. Between 1828 and 1835, he donated large sums of money to the American Colonization Society, but abandoned that movement in 1835 when his sympathies shifted to the immediate abolitionists. In the 1840s, he gave approximately 140,000 acres of land in upstate New York to three thousand black settlers, thus qualifying them to vote. Smith was a founder and frequent candidate of the Liberty party, running for governor of New York on that ticket in 1840 and winning a seat in Congress in 1852. When the Free Soil merger with moderate antislavery Democrats and Whigs lured away many Liberty party supporters, Smith helped bankroll that organization until 1860. Smith befriended Douglass when the latter moved to Rochester, and Smith frequently helped finance Frederick Douglass’ Paper. Like Douglass, Smith supported John Brown, but psychological stress caused by the failure at Harpers Ferry brought on the first of a series of bipolar episodes that greatly reduced his subsequent reform activities. Ralph Volney Harlow, Gerrit Smith: Philanthropist and Reformer (1939; New York, 1972); Gerald Sorin, The New York Abolitionists: A Case Study of Political Radicalism (Westport, Conn., 1971), 269– 87; Lewis Perry, Radical Abolitionism: Anarchy and the Government of God in Antislavery Thought (Ithaca, N.Y., 1973), 170– 80; John R. McKivigan and Madeleine Leveille, “The ‘Black Dream’ of Gerrit Smith, New York Abolitionist,” Syracuse University Library Associates Courier, 20:61– 76 (Fall 1985); NCAB , 2:322– 23; DAB, 17:270– 71. 7.

The Hunkers had a public meeting at one of our liquoring houses a few days previous to the election. It continued till late in the night, and broke up in a regular row-de-dow. The gentlemen orators from Canandaigua, it is said, were so drunk or crazy, or perhaps both, that instead of taking the road eastward towards home, they blundered up the hill northward into the yard of the Universalist meeting-house! They finally hired a man, and gave him $6 to take them to Canandaigua—10 miles.

We have three licensed dram-houses in our little midst, and of course drunkenness abounds. We have a temperance meeting tonight to begin with. When will you come and address the people on the subject of slavery?

Respectfully yours,

G. W. CClark, George W.

This is possibly George W. Clark (c. 1807-1887). He was born in Massachusetts but was living in Victor, New York by at least 1850. In 1848, he was placed on the executive committee of the Western New York Anti-Slavery Society. He was a well-respected citizen of the town but not much is recorded about him. 1850 and 1860 U. S. Census Victor, Ontario, New York; “George Clark,” Ontario County (NY) Times, 28 September 1887; “Fifth Annual Meeting of the Western N. Y. Anti-Slavery Society, North Star, 29 December 1848, p. 2, c. 3; .