Syracuse, Oct. 2d, 1851.

Dear Douglass:—I scarcely need inform you that the excitement in Syracuse from the attempt to carry from us into Slavery an innocent citizen, has become confirmed, and is not in the least abated. The late decision of Judge Conkling, by which he magnified trifles lighter than air into grave evidence of misdemeaners, for the purpose of fastening the Fugitive Law upon us, has not increased [illegible] respect for that Law or for the man. It has commended both to public and absolute [detest]ation.

The result of this examination before Judge Conkling, demonstrates that we can have no confidence in federal judges for the security of our laws, our liberties or our lives - that we must turn from them to our own Courts, and our own State: and if we [...] there then may God defend [...] of oppresed and persecuted man.

Arrangements are making to bring the constitutionality of the Fugitive Slave Law (as it is called, but which is no law at all) before the courts of this State. We intend the officers and privates, the enemies of the human race, who set these bullies and black-[legs] upon Jerry, shall have their crimes passed upon by the jurors of this county. It is [illegible] important therefore that the Judges elected next month be not tinctured with the frightful mania that possesses the Judges of the United States Courts. The Judges of these Courts, holding their power from the tyrants who concoted the lawless and unconstitutional enactment under which Jerry was seized, and bruised, and tortured, have perverted them to the base and brutal ends of those tyrants. For that purpose the federal Judges are appointed to, or maintained in power. The people must be protected from these conspirators against law and liberty.—The federal government has made war upon or through Congress and the courts. We must protect ourselves through our legislature and our own courts. We are no longer safe. The government, instead of a domestic friend, has become a foreign enemy. It has assumed that we are defenseless and indefensible—that we must submit to brutal men from abroad, who seize our citizens and carry them away to slavery, without a crime, and without a trial. A defensive act which nature allows to the insect that we tread upon, the right to squirm, is construed into an offense by our Judges, and punished with fine and imprisonment, or even death itself if it suit their taste or their courage to inflict those penalties. When men are thus deprived of their liberties, and their lives, and denied the privilege of struggling for any right under heaven—when an expression of sympathy or compassion is construed into treason, or other crime against the brutal power that rules at Washington and in the federal courts, it is high time, the people call upon the state authorities to protect them against the lawless wretches who thus "strike at the root of liberty and set mankind at defiance." It is time for the State Courts to conflict with the federal courts, and state governments to conflict with the federal government when the federal courts and federal government conflict with the admitted claim of truth and justice. As good citizens, we may not neglect our rights as men. Judge Conkling volunteers to tell the country it must rely upon "an advancing civilization;" to rescue us from these atrocious evils—but alas, instead of civilization, it is an advancing barbarism, that is boldly throwing its dreary shadow before it in the path of our liberties and rights. When the tyrant has his iron

grasp upon our throat, or the throats of our sons or daughters, it is not an advancing civilization that commands us to yield or perish.

But we are [told] by Judge Conkling we "may seek a [residence] in some other country, if we can find one WHERE we shall suffer less from misrule." What a consolation to the bruised and hunted Slave! What an opiate to the convulsion and agitation which are shaking this continent to the center as the only evidence of "advancing civilization." We forbear to comment on a sentiment which is as insulting as it is gross and unbecoming. Be it remembered our constitution guarantees us a country where we may enjoy life, liberty and happiness, and there we have the right to be, and there we will dwell, unless driven out of the land by ferocious Judges and Generals.

But I must conclude. Two transactions have occurred here significant of the spirit of our people. Our male citizens have sent to the President the shackles that bound the wrists of Jerry; and our female citizens have presented J. R. Lawarence the Slave Catchers Attorney with "thirty pieces of silver" as evidence of the inestimation of his character. They were little three cent bits. The package enclosing them was endorsed "the price of innocent blood." There is great indignation here at all those who have taken part in persecuting our people for the bravery and humanity in rescuing Jerry. They are surrounded much as were the tories of the Revolution, and in the end will find themselves as comfortless, or I am no judge.

J. T.Thomas, John

John Thomas (1814–92), an abolitionist and newspaper editor from Syracuse, New York, merged his Liberty Party Paper with Douglass’s North Star in June 1851. Thomas’s paper, which he published in Syracuse from 1849 to 1851, was rapidly failing despite the financial backing of Gerrit Smith. The new paper created from the merger was Frederick Douglass’ Paper, the name indicating which editor would be in control of the venture. Thomas agreed to accept a subordinate position as assistant editor and remained in Syracuse to conduct those duties. Thomas later became widely known for his participation in the Jerry Rescue, the rescue of the fugitive slave William “Jerry” McHenry in Syracuse on 1 October 1851. NS, 12 June 1851; Detroit Plaindealer, 15 April 1892; Harlow, Gerrit Smith, 187–88, 380.