Louis Kossuth—and His Visit to the United States.

"Who shall be freedom's mouth-piece?

Who shall give

Her welcoming hand to the great fugitive[?]

Not he, who, all her sacred truths betraying,

Is scourging back to slavery's hell of pain

The swarthy KOSSUTHS of our land again!"

Friend Douglass:—There is much danger that the visit of Kossuth to our country, will prove a c[urse] to the great cause of human rights. It is time to sound the alarm in earnest.
In your paper of December 18th, 1851, our esteemed friend, H. P. CrozierCrozier, Hiram P.

Hiram P. Crozier (c. 1823–83) was a Unitarian minister in Brooklyn, New York in the mid-nineteenth century. He was born in Wyoming County, New York, and went west to study at Oberlin College as a young man. After graduating, Crozier returned to New York and engaged in dry goods and banking. At about thirty years old, he began studying theology and was ordained in the Presbyterian Church. Crozier was made pastor at the church in Peterboro and became friends with abolitionist leader Gerrit Smith. After converting to Unitarianism, he moved to Long Island and became engaged in the insurance industry. Poor health caused Crozier to retire in about 1881. Brooklyn (N.Y.) Daily Eagle, 9 March 1883; 1860 U. S. Census, Town of Huntington, Suffolk, New York. of New York city, has well commenced the work. When we see those who have persecuted the genuine liberty-men, who are their fellow-citizens, all burning with zeal and hail Kossuth, the idea will press itself upon us, that this is a wholesale and Protestant mode of doing penance, to afford some temporary relief to the irritation of a disturbed conscience. Such patriotic gentry seize upon this occasion most ardently, that they may frame out of it a convenient "catch-all," under which, when "company is coming," they may hastily toss a huge quantity of their disgusting pro-slavery deeds. We would not hint that the Committee of the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, are men of such loathsome character: but in their address to Kossuth, they have practically (we would fain hope, half unconsciously) joined in the popular shuffle to conceal the unendurable odiousness of American slavery. If this game succeeds, woe to the cause of liberty! It must not succeed: it will not, unless our "Second Advent" brethren are right in their doctrine, that the people have become so corrupt that there is no hope for general reformation, and therefore, the next great event will be the conflagration close of earth's probation.

We do not ask our Hungarian guest to "join any party," but we do desire that when such a fit occasion occurs, as that on which the colored people of New York city addressed him, he will then make one suggestion, having at least a delicate allusion of rebuke for those who oppress colored Americans. We do demand that he cease to use the language of slaveholders, and their more degraded and iniquitous apologists, in referring very politely to slavery, as one of our "domestic institutions," thus perpetuating the execrable fraud of attempting to ensconce the "sum of all villanies," amid all the sacred associations of "Home—sweet HOME." Kossuth may have used the term, "domestic insitutions," as referring only to the institutions of one country, as compared with those of another, and he may not have the most distant idea of that hearth-stone and family Bible meaning upon which American tyrants seize for their nefarious purposes.—But we must not hide the fact that the nation's guest has used the much-abused term in such a manner as to strengthen the hands of the vilest of the vile, in their hellish work of despising and crushing the poor, trembling, bleeding slave.

At the great dinner party in the city of New York, when James Watson Webb attempted to speak, the just indignation of the company was such that he could not proceed. Why was this? He had written an editorial paragraph defending Russia for her wicked treatment of Hungary.

What has Rev. Samuel Hanson Cox, D. D.Cox, Samuel Hanson

The Reverend Dr. Samuel Hanson Cox (1793-1880) was born into a New Jersey Quaker family that traced its lineage to Talbot County, Maryland. Cox left the Society of Friends in 1813 and was licensed to preach by the presbytery of New York] three years later. Cox joined his brother Abraham L. Cox on the executive committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society in 1834. He actively denounced Jim Crow pews and called for racial integration in the church. His tactics left him open to attack during the New York antiabolitionist riots of July 1834. He later moderated his views and at the World's Temperance Convention held in London in August 1846, Cox defended the American temperance movement against charges of racial prejudice leveled by Douglass. Cox was accused of compromising his abolitionist principles to gain church offices alter he helped block attempts to exclude slaveholders from the Evangelical Alliance. American Anti-Slavery Society, First Annual Report (New York, 1834), 15-16, 28-31, 61; London Morning Chronicle, 10 August 1846; London National Temperance Chronicle and Recorder, September 1846; London Patriot, 17 September 1846; Cox and Douglass Correspondence, 5, 10; George Lewis Prentiss, The Union Theological Seminary in the City of New York (Asbury Park, N.J., 1899), 156-63; Wyatt-Brown, Lewis Tappan, 114-18; Linda K. Kerber, "Abolitionists and Amalgamators: The New York City Race Riots of 1834," New York History, 48:28-39 (January 1967); NCAB, 7:557; DAB, 4:481-82. , done? He has taught us to submit to these demands of human government which spurn the authority of Jehovah. He teaches us to worship cotton as our God. He sanctions the blasphemous deed of binding a fellow-man; and "in a summary manner," handing him over to those who "catch men." (See Jer. 26.) Yet he can present the ministers of Brooklyn to Kossuth! He can use his honied words, and his rising indignation is apparent! For myself, I am free to publish "to all whom it may concern," that I would more patiently hear James Watson Webb expatiate on his love of liberty, than to listen to such talk from the lips of SAMUEL HANSON COX, D. D. To keep up the

force in consistent style, arrangements should be made - to secure congratulatory speeches from Doctors Stuart, Sharp, Peck, Doney, Lathrop—and Lord. As the State will determine to equal the nominal church in this Pharisaical performance, Millard FillmoreFillmore, Millard

Millard Fillmore (1800-74), thirteenth president of the United States, represented the Buffalo region in the New York state legislature (1828-32) and in the U.S. House of Representatives (1833-35, 1837-43), where he generally voted with the Henry Clay wing of the Whig party. Defeated in the 1844 New York governor's race, Fillmore secured the Whig vice-presidential nomination in 1848 and assumed the presidency upon Zachary Taylor's death in July 1850. Fillmore vigorously advocated passage of the Compromise of 1850 and signed each of its measures into law. Denied his party's nomination in 1852, Fillmore ran for president on the American party ticket in 1856 and supported John Bell and the Constitutional Union party in 1860. NCAB, 6:177-78; DAB, 6:380-82. , Daniel WebsterWebster, Daniel

Daniel Webster (1782–1852) was a lawyer and statesman known for his stirring oratory. As a lawyer, he successfully argued many cases before the Supreme Court, such as the 1816 Dartmouth College case and the 1819 McCulloch v. Maryland case, earning a reputation as a strong nationalist. During the War of 1812 Webster represented New Hampshire in Congress (1812–46). Then, in 1827, he was elected to the U.S. Senate from Massachusetts, where he remained in service through most of his life. He continued to take strong nationalist positions in political debates, attacking Andrew Jackson’s 1832 veto of the Second Bank of the United States and opposing Nullification in 1832–33. Webster accepted appointment as secretary of state under William Henry Harrison and was the sole cabinet member from Harrison’s presidency to retain his office during John Tyler’s administration. In 1842 he negotiated the Webster-Ashburton Treaty with Great Britain, establishing the modern boundary between the United States and Canada, but resigned his post a year later and returned to the Senate in 1845. In 1848 Webster made an unsuccessful bid for the Whig presidential nomination, losing to war hero Zachary Taylor. In 1850 Webster once again left the Senate to act as secretary of state under Millard Fillmore, a move that placed him in a good position to bid for the presidency; but he lost the 1852 Whig nomination to Winfield Scott. Though not an abolitionist, he opposed the extension of slavery in the Missouri Compromise of 1820, the Mexican-American War, and the enforcement of the 1850 Fugitive Slave Law. Robert V. Remini, Daniel Webster: The Man and His Time (New York, 1997), 15–21; ANB, 22:865–68; DAB, 11:585–92. , Hangman Foote, James R. Lawrence, Marshals Allen, of Syracuse, and H. K. Smith, of Buffalo, should have conspicuous places assigned them for most pathetic display of oratory. If those who have driven J. W. Loguen from his lovely home, attempt in Syracuse to throw a Kossuth mantle over themselves, let them in due season understand that there are some people who will know what is beneath. That man who has a heart to persecute John W. Loguen, has also a heart to persecute Louis Kossuth, and he would as greedily do it, if public opinion would tolerate him.

Our firm resolve should be, that we will watch these exhibitions of adroit contrivance to conceal natural iniquity, and personal rascality. If we boldly utter what we think, we may contribute some influence which may aid to unbandage the eyes of Kossuth, and stir up the deep fountains of his generous heart, and fully unlock his half-sealed lips—Then his visit will indeed prove a blessing to the enslaved of America. He will thus help most efficiently, the cause of Hungary, and will most powerfully assist to establish the needed boon for this distressed world—namely; a Righteous Civil Government.

Yours for humanity,

J. R. JohnsonJohnson, James Rawson

Probably the frequent correspondent of Frederick Douglass’ Paper, James Rawson Johnson, an African American abolitionist from Syracuse, New York. Johnson was a supporter of the Liberty party and the religious abolitionist cause, as well as hydropathy. FDP, 26 June, 11 September, 9 October 1851, 1 January, 12, 26 February, 25 March, 8 April, 20 May, 9 July, 15 October 1852; DouglassPapers, ser. 3, 1:582-84, 587-88, 590-92, 596, 599. .

Syracuse, Dec. 26th. 1851.