Observer (James N. Still) to Frederick Douglass, March 11, 1852
Letter from Observer.
Communipaw undertakes to refute the idea that wealth is the basis of power, and that the possession of it, by colored people, is not the principal means of their elevation, and of securing the acknowledgement of their equality. He further says, if it "was, to the most of us, such pursuit (the pursuit of wealth) would be vain, as a reality, for the reason we could not get it." To me, this view of the case, from the source it emanates, is not a little surprising. The great and leading question is here raised, that interests us all, and on which hangs the destiny of the colored people. Upon this question, we should now, and must eventually decide and act accordingly.
Is wealth accessible to the colored man in this country, and will its possession, with the influence that it carries with it, bring about social equality, or fraternization, that is, if fraternization would be desirable? Now, if it be admitted that the pursuit of wealth "is vain," that "we could not get it," and that if we could, and should get it, its possession would not insure the recognition of our equality, that admission would be surrendering the whole question claimed by the Colonizationist. Now it seems to us, that such doctrine is in effect, if not in intent, auxiliary to the colonization doctrine, and must tend to destroy the hopes and aspirations of the colored man. We assume, sir, that wealth is accessible to the colored man in this country, and that its possession and influence will secure all other essentials to human happiness. But that fraternization or amalgamation would result from its acquisition, or be one of the essentials to human happiness, I will not pretend to say. I don't believe, however, that it would be any more desirable on our part, than on the part of others, in like circumstances, to fraternize with us. The
power to acquire wealth in a government constituted as is this, is accessible to all, and cannot be otherwise. The energy and perseverance of black men are attended with the same results as the efforts of white men, to the extent that we are justified to anticipate. Hence our determination to remain in this country. Those hopes are based upon the principles of the institutions of the country; the tendency and successful operation of which will, in time, as assuredly secure equal rights to the black man, as maintain the rights of the white man. May not colored men engage in trade and enterprise, and will not the same result attend their labors?—Were an individual colored man to appear in the stock and exchange market in Wall St., to-morrow, would he not meet success, proportioned to his claims and qualifications?—The white man would appear with all the advantages of "tradition," not of twenty hours, but of centuries, with all the customs, usages, and self-confidence handed down, and accumulated from generation to generation. In his person, is represented the pomp, pride, and undisputed claims to superiority. In the person of the black man, is represented a race of modern menials, in the most civilized age, and the most enlightened part of the world. Barbarians in Africa, and slaves in America, though twenty years may have elapsed since he left the former and come to the latter, he should not even then, expect to equal those who had been reared on the fertile and sunshiny side of life. But let him spend a life time, conquering and surmounting difficulties, and not failing to use every opportunity to maintain his rights, would not mankind honor the acts, even when the actor was dead? Most certainly. The power and influence of their people, are best known by their fame and possessions: when these became expensive, that people are revered and
honored, but when they are limited, the people must be weak and powerless. The colored man may acquire wealth and power in this country, but it must be gradual, but will be certain. [Any] wealth, properly applied, will as certainly create a power and influence that will override those distinctions, as a match applied to powder will create an explosion.
But, says "Communipaw," our present need can only be bettered by a better ["]idea." We hope he will tell us what that idea is. "To the mass of us, such pursuits would be vain for the reason that we could not get it,"—wealth. But, says he, "suppose that we could, suppose that each colored man was a recognized hundred thousander, with brown stone front, and a pair of greys in the avenue: suppose this should happen suddenly, say to-morrow, would Mrs. Angelina Gracie give a sisterly kiss to Mrs. Jemima Jackson, her cook yesterday, her wealthy equal today?" A proposition embracing such unusual and rapid transition, cannot be received as a consistent and reasonable one. Mark, "should it happen suddenly," would so and so follow? We answer, it most certainly would, just as certain as cause produces effect. And should Communipaw see the first event take place, he may rest assured that the very next extraordinary one in succession, will be the second here named—"Mrs. Gracie" caressing and kissing "Mrs. Jackson, the cook of yesterday." But to us, one is quite as improbable as the other. Nor would the change be any more likely, were Mrs. Jackson the favored madam, and the wife of a black merchant prince, and Mrs. Gracie, the cook. Mrs. Jackson would be quite as unwilling to embrace and kiss the cook, at such short notice. Where there is wealth, there is power and honor. Says a distinguished writer, "where wealth and splendor, and high-sounding titles take up their abode, there the multitudes fall down and worship at their shrine." But, neighbor Communipaw, you are not to suppose this to take place so suddenly. "to-morrow," but in the common course of things, through the regular process of transition.
That we can acquire wealth, and with it, social equality, there can be no doubt, though I may not be able to convince Communipaw. If not, I would most respectfully commend him to a careful and deliberate perusal of the address, recently published by "the Committee of Thirteen;" he will there find incontestable evidence of our hopes of equality.
Observer.