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Observer (James N. Still) to Frederick Douglass, May 13, 1852

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"To Ethiop and Observer."

Dear Douglass:—Under the above caption, I see in your issue of April eight, a very severe reproof for the recommendation made by 'Ethiop and Observer' to the colored people to 'strive to procure wealth.' So far as that reproof relates to myself, I would most respectfully beg leave to answer. In doing so, I wish to deal with the idea my language conveyed, and receive Mr. Barry's (the author of the reproof) in the same way. Let us see what are the respective positions of Mr. 'Barry' and 'Observer.' 'Observer' recommends a certain class in the community to be industrious, persevering, and frugal, as one of the great means of their redemption. The offensive language previously used was "strive to procure wealth" - the meaning the same, but more definite. Mr. Barry replies, "You advise your colored brethren to strive to get wealth, or in other words, you advise them to become thieves;" and continues he: "Do you not know that labor is the foundation of all property?" "He who appropriates another man's labor, is a thief." Every man has a right to all his earnings.

It is not for me, sir, to undertake to cavil with his language, or pervert his meaning, but endeavor to enter into the consideration of this question, so important to the colored people, in a plain, practical, common-sense

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manner. If, on examination, we should find the condition of our people to be one of dependence and poverty, then to secure the means of making them less so, or more independent, would, certainly, instead of being a crime, be a christian duty. But, it appears of all things most difficult for the colored people, or their friends, to decide what should be their policy, and in what way their efforts should be directed to promote their elevation, and secure their rights. I contend, Mr. Barry, that as long as we are poor and dependent as a class, we shall be hated and despised by you—your pretensions to christianity notwithstanding. Viewing things in that light, I take occasion to suggest that the condition of our people could be best alleviated by their engaging in enterprise, or in other words by 'striving to get wealth.' For this recommendation, I am branded as the instigator of thievery. And by whom? By a man who I presume would be regarded as an abolitionist, and the friend of the colored people.

In continuation of the views set forth, I would most respectfully submit, for the consideration of Mr. Barry and those friends who are horrified at the idea of colored men trying to elevate themselves. Why, I think the colored people should direct their attention to the acquisition of wealth. You know,

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Sir, that the most serious charge brought against the colored man in this country, is, that he has not the same capacity for that degree of development, the ability to controll, direct, &c., as white men. The very first step we take is the inquiry, why he has not exhibited the same development, we stumble upon the plain reason, set forth by Mr. Barry, that to urge colored men to engage to profitable enterprises, for the benefits that may accrue, to labor for reward, or strive to get wealth, is to urge them to become thieves.—Consequently, all persons colored) who now are engaged in the pursuit of means to educate their children, and accelerate their elevation, are thieves. We know of but one other charge that appears more inconsistent and absurd—that is, to charge a man who has lived fifty years in the service of some other man, and toiled without reward, subject to brutal laws, should he at the age of fifty conceive the idea of seeking a place, even at the hazard of life, where he may draw his last breath, out of hearing of the shrieks and cries of his own children, where he will not be honored, in his dying moment, by the jingle of chains, and the crack of the whip; for the man who would help the "way worn and weary fugitive" on his way to such a place of rest, to be charged with thievery, felony, &c., is equally, though I do not think more monstrous and absurd, than Mr. Barry charging us with encouraging and promoting thieves, who would urge the colored people to strive to get wealth. It is certainly strange, but true, that the very acts that would emulate a white man to the skies, and sustain his claims to superiority would invariably condemn a colored man. My advice was, and now is, this. Inasmuch as colored people are excluded from the various pursuits and engagements among the whites, they should therefore direct their efforts to those which are accessible to them, and build up business on their own account, proving to the eyes of the world, that they are, in enterprise, at least the equals of their white neighbors.

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But let us consider the more immediate evils resulting from our poverty, and the need of means necessary to avert them. At present, our poor and dependent condition does not enable us to secure even the rights acknowledged to belong to us. This, we all know, has, if influential papers, conducted by learned and deeply prejudiced editors, not only dailies ushered with the rapidity of steam power, and carried wide-spread throughout the country; but weeklies, monthlies and quarterlies, make it a part of their business, and are paid to misrepresent and abuse [illegible]. Commissioners, lawyers, politicians, policemen and divines, readily becomes the willing instruments of tyranny. We are daily caricatured in the most offensive manner, the extensive and sweeping influence of which most of us have never thought of.—They who do it, or who are the instigators of it, are actuated by a motive which an "observer" may readily perceive. The object is, to keep us poor and dependent. The policy by which our earnings are extorted from us in the North, is not less unjust than that which robs the colored man of his labor at the South. It may be more civil or less barbarous, but no less unjust, for at the South the colored man is hurried on by heartless drivers with whips and revolvers in hand. A criminal offense, leaving behind a piece of grass or breaking a tobacco plant, may subject him to severe punishment. At the North, for a few dollars, a corrupt and debased press may be made to wage war against thousands, the entire colored community, not even for an assumed cause of theirs, but simply because some man, less demon than another, belonging to an opposite political party, has dared favor by a simple expression, (and perhaps for selfish motives,) some minor claim of the colored man. This is the case throughout the North. I ask, then, Mr. Birney, do we not need a greater development of mind and the possession of a greater amount of means to ward off the poisonous missiles of a heartless press.

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But we not only need "national aid," to wage a defensive war in that respect alone, but we need 'strive,' to become the actual equals of our white neighbors. We need men who have the means and time to attend to important investigation essential to our progress and elevation; and explain to our uninformed masses, the influences that are exerted, and the motives for keeping us of the north, poor and dependent on them, a ready market, and the constant consumes of the products and manufactures of that very class who keeps us so.

Within ten miles of where I now write, there are at least thirty thousand colored people. Out of that number, there are not perhaps over two hundred traders, producers, and manufacturers, conducting business on their own account, to an extent to afford employment for more than one person. The rest are engaged in those occupations generally allotted to the colored man by our enemies, and from which our best white friends would not willingly see us merge. Of course, then, if there are not more than that many fathers, the masters of trades, and conducting business on their own account, there are not, at most, more than that number of boys growing up so engaged. Under existing circumstances, this follows, as neither colored men nor boys can secure situations in white establishments, of a respectable character. Prejudice, aided by the press, is always at work to prevent our reception in any lucrative pursuit. The poorer classes conceive they will be benefitted by this, not only by securing that employment themselves, but we shall thereby be kept poor and

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dependent on them for our means of consumption. They will allow us to do the drudgery. We may black the boots of the merchant, white-wash his dwellings, drive his madam and misses; but attempt, even, to cart the bales of cotton, or boxes of sugar, which he exports or imports—the very goods which we are to consume, and the white laborer objects; a pretext is made, and the press, the free American press is called in to villify, denounce, and abuse us; that is out of our place; that is no business for us; we must not even sweep in the street the dirt that falls from their carts, that being more profitable and independent than those employments assigned to us. We are not only deprived of profitable labor, but are thereby unable to accumulate and engage in trade. - The consequence is, our want of information, as to cost and price of articles of consumption, allows the same unscrupulous traders to again over [tax] us in selling to [us]. We desire but little or no advantage from the poor whites. But what immense profits are derived [from us] by the small dealers and domestic [illegible] fact, every [branch] of trade and manufacturing interest. What are the profits on the amount required to manufacture, produce, &c., &c., for a [illegible] of thirty thousand? Those who are thus benefitted, think they can well afford to employ the

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[illegible] to keep us down. That is a deep-laid and silent policy. The motives that actuate them, is, you perceive, one of dollars and cents, bread and butter, though not at all, in fact, essential for their own welfare. The [effect] of these, and like hidden measures, are crushing out our very life blood. They are not exactly chain-cuffs and whips, from which there is no alleviation. We may, to some extent, provide a gradual remedy. In recommending that remedy, we are charged with wishing to promote thievery. Whether the same motive actuates those who pretend to be our friends, to make such charges against us, is not for me to say here. But it has, doubtless, been the work of design, of the people of this country, to discourage all manly aspirations exhibited by colored men. Nor has this feeling, we regret to say, been confined to those who have been considered the pro-slavery portion. White men are petted and patted, aided, and encouraged every step in life. The very efforts which would exalt white men, would consign colored men to infamy. The result has been to destroy all respect and self-confidence among us. Is it possible that we committed a crime when we urged our people to "strive to get wealth?" It so appears: but we did not think so, nor don't now. Those who rescued Jerry, were not denounced in a more harsh, abrupt manner. A few short sentences declaring the thing was wrong, was enough for black men. Such has always been our teaching. To be humble, is to be poor and dependent, is the "Commandment of the Northern catechism," "Servant obey your masters, is the Southern."

Observer.

Creator

Still, James N. (1815–?)

Date

1852-05-13

Description

Observer (James N. Still) to Frederick Douglass. PLSr: Frederick Douglass' Paper, 13 May 1852. Debates James Barry regarding need for free blacks to concentrate on economic development.

Publisher

This document was calendared in the published volume and has not been published in full before.

Collection

Frederick Douglass' Paper

Type

Letters

Publication Status

Unpublished

Source

Frederick Douglass' Paper