The Anti-Slavery Movement, The Slaves Only Earthly Hope: An Address Delivered in New York, New York, May 9, 1843
THE ANTI-SLAVERY MOVEMENT, THE SLAVE'S ONLY EARTHLY HOPE: AN ADDRESS DELIVERED IN NEW YORK, NEW YORK, ON 9 MAY 1843
National Anti-Slavery Standard, 18 May 1343. Other texts in Liberator, 19 May 1843; New York Herald, 10 May 1843; New York Tribune, 10 May 1843; New York Morning Express, 10 May 1843.
The American Anti-Slavery Society held its tenth anniversary meeting on 9 May 1843 in New York City. The abolitionists met in the Apollo Saloon because the owner of the Broadway Tabernacle, the preferred site, had closed its doors to the Society. Some 1500 people attended, a crowd which the Herald said "was chiefly composed of the fair sex.” The New York Morning Express noted the presence of Quakers and “sable-complexioned sons of Africa.” The Tribune reporter objected to the frivolity of some members of the audience. “This habit of gossiping in public assemblages
is a gross nuisance,” he complained, “and ought to be abated. Such meetings are not well calculated for furbishing up faded acquaintanceships, swapping jack-knives or carrying on semi-flirtations.” Nevertheless, the business of the meeting was conducted in sober fashion. Boston’s Francis Jackson, a vice-president of the Society, occupied the chair. At the morning session, Douglass shared the platform with James Monroe of Connecticut, Abby Kelley, William Lloyd Garrison, and Wendell Phillips. The Tribune described as “sensible and pertinent” Douglass’s speech on the resolution that “the anti-slavery movement is the only eartth hope of the American slave. “ Kelley, Garrison, and Phillips offered resolutions which emphasized slavery’s dependence on northern political and ecclesiastical support. Garrison to the Lib., 9 May 1843, in Merrill and Ruchames, Garrison Letters, 3 : 156-158.
Frederic [k] Douglas[s], was next introduced to the meeting. He said:—"I have myself been a slave, and I do not expect to awaken such an interest in the minds of this intelligent assembly, as those have done who spoke before me. For I have never had the advantage of a single day’s schooling, in all my life; and such have been my habits of life, as to instil into my heart a disposition I never can quite shake off, to cower before white men. But one thing I can do. I can represent here the slave,—the human chattel, the despised and Oppressed, for whom you, my friends, are laboring in a good and holy cause. As such a representative, 1 do not fear that I shall not be welcome to all true-hearted abolitionists. (Applause.)
I offer you, Mr. President, continued Douglas[s], the following resolution, and desire to say a few words in its support:
2. “Resolved, That the anti-slavery movement is the only earthly hope of the American slave.”
There is a truth, sir, asserted in this resolution that is almost everywhere, and by almost every body, denied. Instead of being regarded as a powerful aid to abolition, it is far too generally viewed as retarding that event. But this is a grievous error. I know, for I speak from experience. It has been imagined that the slaves of the South are not aware of the movements made on their behalf, and in behalf of human freedom, every where, throughout the northern and western States. This is not true. They do know it. They knew it from the moment that the spark was first kindled in the land. They knew it as soon as you knew it, sir, in your own New England. Did not petitions by thousands, immediately go forth for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and in
the territories, and for the overthrow of the internal slave trade? Heard we not that? And in the curses of our masters against the abolitionists, did we not feel instinctively that these same abolitionists were our friends? And in every form of opposition to the great cause, did we not hear it?
Prior to this moment, sir, the slave in chains had no hope of deliverance—no hope of any peace or happiness within this vale of tears. Darkness and despair rested gloomin upon his prospect, and not a ray of light was thrown across. But when he heard of this movement, hope sprang up in my mind, and in the minds of many more. I knew, I felt, that truth was above error, that right was above wrong, that principle was superior to policy; and under the peaceful and benefi cent operation of abolitionism, I felt that I should one day be free. [Loud and protracted applause.)
The speaker went on to say that there was no hope for the slave in Church, or State, or in the working of society, framed as it now is; nothing whatever in any of the institutions of the day. But in the American Anti-Slavery Society, the slave sees an exposition of his true position in the scale of being. He finds that he is, indeed, a Mam—admitted, recognized as such, as he is by them, and he goes on, calmly and quietly, hoping in his chains that the day may come, when by their aid, he shall be relieved from his thraldom! (Applause) For this society, sir, is above either Church or State; it is moving both, daily; more and
more. What do we see? Massachusetts has closed her gaols, and her courtrooms, against the slave-hunters, and has hidden them to look for no aid at the hands of her people, in this unholy work.1In March 1343 the Massachusetts legislature, in response to a campaign launched by Garrisonian and “new organization“ abolitionists to protest the arrest of fugitive slave George Latirner in Boston, prohibited the cooperation of state officials in the seizure and detention of fugitive slaves. This was the first personal liberty law passed after the U.S. Supreme Court invalidated such laws in Prigg v. Pennsylvania {1842). Stanley W. Campbell, The Slave Catchers: Enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Law, 1850—1860 (New York, 1972), 1344; Martin B. Duberman, Charles Francis Adams, 1807-1836 (Boston, 1961), 80—84; Henry Wilson, History of the Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America, 3 vols. (Boston, 1872—77], 1 : 477—87 Thus is the great work going on!
And, sir, the slave sees that God has raised up a mighty work in his behalf, among the people of the North, when he observes the reluctance with which the slave owner now makes his tours to the North. The slave is now not taken as a part of the retinue of his master, on the boot of the stage, as before. He soon finds his “property” among the missing, if he
does: and then he comes back, and curses the abolitionists of the North; and, in answer to the question, where is Sam, or Dick, or Bill? slaves who have remained behind, hear him say, the infernal abolitionists have got hold of him, they begin to feel that they have friends, and that the time will come, when the exertions of such will be used for their liberation, as well as that of their brethren. This it is which teaches the poor slave where his hope is,—that it is in the “anti-slavery society, ”—and in the growing feeling at the North, in favor of the oppressed, and against oppression. (Vociferous applause.)
And Mr. Douglas[s] wound up this extraordinary speech, with a feeling exhortation to abolitionists to go on, in the confidence of a good cause, to the breaking of bonds, the unloosing of shackles, and the liberation of the enchained, the enthralled, and the oppressed. He sat down amidst very warm and enthusiastic applause.