THE AMERICAN TEMPERANCE MOVEMENT, SLAVERY, AND PREJUDICE: AN ADDRESS DELIVERED IN LONDON, ENGLAND, ON 7 AUGUST 1846

Liberator, 27 November 1846. Other texts in London Times, 11 August 1846; London Teetotal Times, 15 August 1846 (Supplement); London National Temperance Chronicle and Recorder, 9 September 1846; National Anti-Slavery Standard, 3 December 1846; New York Tribune, 1 January 1847; Correspondence Between the Rev. Samuel H. Cox, D.D. . . . and Frederick Douglass. . . ( New York, 1846), 13-14; Foner, Life and Writings, 1:195-97; Douglass, Life and Times, 277-79.

Though he was not an official delegate to the World's Temperance Convention, which met in London from 4 - 8 August 1846, Douglass, encouraged by "loud and repeated calls from the audience, and a very pressing invitation from the chairman," did speak at the 7 August session. George W. Alexander presided at the crowded meeting in Covent Garden TheatreCovent Garden Theatre, London, England

The first World's Temperance Convention was held at Covent Garden Theatre, London, during 4-8 August 1846. Douglass refers to the second theater, which occupied the northeast comer of the Covent Garden district in Bow Street. The original theater, erected by John Rich in 1731-32 and designed by Edward Shepherd, was destroyed by fire in 1808; the second theater, designed by Sir Robert Smirke in 1808-09, burnt to the ground in 1856. Smirke's design enlarged the first theater's footprint, incorporating buildings on the west side of Bow Street and the south side of Hart Street, and boasted a seating capacity of 2,800 persons in addition to those occupying private boxes. A third theater, designed by E. M. Barry, was erected in 1857-58. F. H. W. Sheppard, ed., Survey of London: The Theatre Royal, Drury Lane, and the Royal Opera House, Covent Garden, 49 vols. (London, 1970), 35:71-80. . GarrisonGarrison, William Lloyd

William Lloyd Garrison (1805-79) was the foremost white abolitionist of the nineteenth century and was credited with the discovery of Douglass as a speaker at an antislavery meeting in Nantucket in 1841. He began his career as an apprentice printer on the Newburyport (Mass.) Herald at the age of thirteen. Garrison became editor of the Newburyport Free Press in 1826, but the paper closed within a year. He was then associated with a series of periodicals in Boston that advocated reform before Benjamin Lundy offered the young journalist the opportunity to write for his antislavery newspaper. Garrison joined Lundy in editing the Genius of Universal Emancipation in Baltimore, Maryland, in 1829, during the last year of the paper's 1821-1830 run. In 1830 a libel suit against the editors forced the paper to close and landed Garrison in jail. After his release, he courted the wealthy merchants of New York and Boston in order to start the Liberator (1831-65), a weekly journal based in Boston in which he advocated an immediate end to slavery. Garrison's brand of abolition condemned any institution that would tolerate the existence of slavery, including churches, political parties. and even the United States itself and any scheme aimed at removing black people from the country. Instead, Garrison hoped to raise the public's awareness that slavery was morally wrong and thereby force its end in an almost millennial moment of emancipation. His approach appealed to both white and black antislavery advocates but earned him many enemies among those only moderately opposed to slavery and slaveholders alike. Seeing the need for greater action and organization beyond the pages of the Liberator; Garrison joined with other abolitionists to form the New England Anti-Slavery Society in 1831. Two years later he helped found the larger American Anti-Slavery Society. In 1833 he established ties with English abolitionists after a trip to Great Britain, and he later brought the noted and notorious speaker George Thompson to the United States for a tour. Garrison also dedicated himself to women's rights, encouraging women to enter the public sphere by inviting them, via the Liberator, to form female antislavery societies. In addition to the thirty-three women's antislavery societies that flourished by 1838, Garrison's American Anti-Slavery Society welcomed women as well as blacks into its ranks. However, female delegates were excluded from the World's Anti-Slavery Convention of 1840 in London. The issue of women's participation in the antislavery movement and Garrison's absolute refusal to turn to politics to end slavery caused a division in the American Anti-Slavery Society. Brothers Lewis and Arthur Tappan, who opposed women's acting as speakers and who hoped to use politics toward abolition, broke with Garrison's American Anti-Slavery Society, forming the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, or the "New Organization" in 1841. Garrison's ideas were so closely associated with the "Old Organization" that the American Anti-Slavery Society became known simply as the "Garrisonians." With the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment in 1865, Garrison believed that he had accomplished his life's work and that of the antislavery movement. He then resigned from the presidency of the American Anti-Slavery Society and closed the Liberator. Wendell Phillips Garrison and Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879: The Story of His Life Told by His Children, 4 vols. (New York, 188589); Henry Mayer, All on Fire: William Lloyd Garrison and the Abolition of Slavery (New York, 1998); James Brewer Stewart, William Lloyd Garrison and the Challenge of Emancipation (Arlington Heights, Ill., 1992); John L. Thomas, The Liberator: William Lloyd Garrison (Boston, 1963); Dictionary of American Biography, 20 vols. (New York, 1928-36), 7:168-72. attended the conference and spoke at earlier sessions. American reformers, including Lyman Beecher and Samuel H. Cox, and temperance representatives from England, Scotland, and Ireland spoke before Douglass, confining their remarks to a discussion of the vicissitudes of the temperance movement. When Douglass introduced the question of the American temperance movement's relationship to slavery and free blacks, he pinched a nerve. The Reverend Edward Norris Kirk of Boston, who spoke after Douglass, suggested that Douglass had "left an impression on the minds of those present that the temperance advocates in America had sanctioned or supported slavery." The meeting adjourned shortly thereafter. The following day, Henry Clapp of Lynn, Massachusetts, rose to defend Douglass's earlier observations. John Marsh of New York maintained that the temperance advocates that he knew "aided and co-operated with the free negro." Samuel H. Cox supported Marsh's assertions and that same day deplored Douglass's influence on the meeting to the New York Evangelist: "The moral scene was superb and glorious—when Frederick Douglass the coloured abolition agitator and ultraist, came to the platform, and so spake a la mode, as to ruin the influence, almost, of all that preceded! He lugged in anti-slavery . . . no doubt prompted to

it by some of the politic ones, who can use him to do what they would not themselves adventure to do in person." Douglass responded to Cox's charges two months later in a letter which included the full text of his Covent Garden speech. Dorchester, Liquor Problem, 280, 330; London Morning Chronicle, 10 August 1846.

Mr . Chairman—Ladies and Gentlemen—I am not a delegate to this Convention. Those who would have been most likely to elect me as a delegate, could not, because they are to-night held in the most abject slavery in the United States. Sir, I regret that I cannot fully unite with the American delegates, in their patriotic eulogies of America, and American Temperance Societies. I cannot do so, for this good reason—there are, at this moment, three millions of the American population, by slavery and prejudice, placed entirely beyond the pale of American Temperance Societies. The three million slaves are completely excluded by slavery—and four hundred thousand free colored people are almost as completely excluded by an inveterate prejudice against them, on account of their color. (Cries of shame! shame!)

I do not say these things to wound the feelings of the American delegates. I simply mention them in their presence, and before this audience, that, seeing how you regard this hatred and neglect of the Colored people, they may be induced, on their return home, to enlarge the field of their Temperance operations, and embrace within the scope of their influence, my long neglected race—(great cheering and some confusion on the platform). Sir, to give you some idea of the difficulties and obstacles in the way of the Temperance reformation of the colored population in the United States, allow me to state a few facts. About the year 1840, a few intelligent, sober and benevolent colored gentlemen in Philadelphia, being acquainted with the appalling ravages of intemperance among a numerous class of colored people in that city, and finding themselves neglected and excluded from white societies, organized societies among themselves—appointed committees—sent out agents—built temperance halls, and were earnestly and successfully rescuing many from the fangs of intemperance.

The cause went nobly on till the 1st of August, 1842, the day when England gave liberty to eight hundred thousand souls in the West Indies. The colored Temperance Societies selected this day to march in procession through the city, in the hope that such a demonstration would have the effect of bringing others into their ranks. They formed their proces-

sion, unfurled their teetotal banners, and proceeded to the accomplishment of their purpose. It was a delightful sight. But, Sir, they had not proceeded down two streets, before they were brutally assailed by a ruthless mob—their banner was torn down, and trampled in the dust—their ranks broken up , their persons beaten, and pelted with stones and brickbats. One of their churches was burned to the ground, and their best temperance hall was utterly demolished! (Shame! shame! shame! from the audience—great confusion and cries of 'sit down' from the American delegates on the platform.)

In the midst of this commotion, the chairman tapped me on the shoulder, and whispering, informed m e that the fifteen minutes allotted to each speaker had expired; whereupon the vast audience simultaneously shouted, 'Don't interrupt!—don't dictate! go on! go on! Douglass! Douglass! ! ' This continued several minutes; after which, I proceeded as follows:—

'Kind friends, I beg to assure you that the chairman has not, in the slightest degree, sought to alter any sentiment which I am anxious to express on the present occasion. He was simply reminding me, that the time allotted for m e to speak had expired. I do not wish to occupy one moment more than is allotted to other speakers. Thanking you for your kind indulgence, I will take my seat.'

Proceeding to do so, again there were loud cries of 'go on! go on!' with which I complied, for a few moments, but without saying any thing more that particularly related to the colored people of America.