CANANDAIGUA, APRIL 2, 1853.

FRED'CK DOUGLASS: ESQ:—For the last two
or three years, there has been a great deal
said, by the American people, concerning
the future prospects, and disposition of the
colored American people. One can seldom
listen for five minutes at a time to a group,
even of two or three, without hearing some-
thing either immediately or remotely con-
cerning the "colored people." Surely, sir, we
must be a very important part of the Amer-
ican people.

No great marvel that we enter so largely
into all of their business calculations, whether
civil, political, or religious. No great marvel
that there is so much difficulty with them as
to how they shall dispose of us, where we
may go, where we may not, where we shall
stay, where we shall not, &c. Now, every
one talks upon this subject; but they are di-
vided into several classes. One class is for
colonizing with the colored man's consent;
another for colonizing whether or no; another
for virtually making all slaves; others again,
if we step both feet over a certain line, and
let them remain here. Well, I do not recol-
lect, whether it is ten minutes, or
ten days—neither does it matter so much, one is just as
consistent as the other; however if we do so
intrude, why then they will sell us for slaves.
Well, there is one consistent thing in that-
when so sold, one half of the money goes to
the "Charity Fund." Now that comports well
with pro-slavery charity; for all their charity
money is wrung out of a sable skin.

And then there is another class, who say, let
us make men of them on the spot. And there
is another class still, very still, sometimes I
think almost guiltily still; yet I suppose that
stillness is the consequence of their having
had their tongues as well as their limbs
chained so long, that stillness has become
second nature. But even they begin to talk;
yes they began to rattle their chains. But
who is this latter class, and what are their
plans? Why they are our noble selves; and
our plan is to make men of ourselves; but
where? Why, on the spot, on the land that
gave us birth—in our own native country;
true, the country of the forced adoption of
our ancestors; hence the native country of
their descendants, without nationalizing,
without let or hinderance. But now for the
test—now for the trial—and are we prepared for it?

Well, let us see, that is right; it is well to
count the cost; and what is it? why, only a
little self-denial for the present.

Sir, I make the broad assertion that it is
unnecessary for us to be out of employ six
days in the year. With employment we can
have money; with money we can do what
we please.

Now, sir, take, for instance, a first of Au-
gust celebration. It is rare that you see an
assemblage of less than five hundred. Then,
including the out-fit, horses, carriages, enter-
tainment, loss of the day; all, I will put it
at two dollars a piece, although we all know
that is not half; still, we will call it one
thousand dollars; what do we do with that?
Why, we say that we celebrate British eman-
cipation in the East India Islands. But, in
fact, in most cases, we give our enemies a
regularly built benefit, and they look upon it
as such.