Johnson Woodlin to Frederick Douglass, December 2, 1853
For Frederick Douglass' Paper.
MR. EDITOR:—As this appears to be an age
of discussion, and while glancing at your
valuable sheet, our attention was directed to
the following statement: "The advocacy of
any measure in this country which tends to
effect injuriously, or otherwise, the moral or
political condition of the colored people as a
class, effects also injuriously, or otherwise, in
the same manner the humble individual of
this class." Now, as this statement has been
brought forward to prove the injurious effects
of the Call for an Emigration Convention, it
appears to us also importatnt, that the evi-
dence should be produced to prove the Call
for such convention "to effect injuriously,
the moral or political condition of the col-
ored people;" but this the writer has failed
to do, and in his failure to do this, he has
rather proved himself to be in favor of emi-
gration. Now, Mr. Editor, this question, like
all others, has but two sides; and anyone
attempting to assume both sides at the same
time, does not reflect much credit upon his
knowledge of the question under considera-
tion. But admit for the sake of argument,
that this writer is opposed to emigration,
then, to be consistent, he has no authority
to aid the oppressed in their emigration to a
land of freedom, which, we believe, he has
done and would do again whenever an opportunity is afforded. We could not be so
uncharitable as to suppose otherwise, but
does the writer say that he has no objection
to individuals emigrating to effect their good?
If so, then he contradicts his own mode of
reasoning. Mark what he says above, that
whatever "effects the colored people as a
class, effects in the same manner the humble
individual of this class." The writer clearly
proves our position, that if an individual,
good can be effected by emigrating, the
good of the class can be effected in the same
manner to which that individual belongs.—Hence, the gentleman has proved himself to
be in favor of emigration, like many others
who oppose it, but always say more in its fa-
vor than against it.
It is also said that "we have no right to
call a convention to consider the propriety of
emigrating." We wonder what our lords and
masters will permit us to do? We would,
however, inform them that human rights
have their foundation in nature, and are an
existing matter of fact, as much so as the
constitution of the human body. Men may
multiply absurdities as they please, but they
can never counteract human nature. The
man, or set of men, who arrogate to them-
selves the right to hold a convention for any
specific purpose, and deny the same right to
others, take a step beyond the constitutional
authority of the United States, and is equal-
ed only by the slaveholder himself.
We come now to another crippled objection to emigration, that "the intelligent and
thinking portion of the colored people
of the United States have long since repudiated
such schemes for general emigration." We
have no disposition to question the intelli-
gence of any portion of the colored people,
but their actions must determine their
amount of intelligence. To stay here, and ac-
complish nothing in attempting to change
the forms, habits, customs, and the organized
influence of society, is, in our opinion, nei-
ther wise not intelligent. To stay here and
support American Slavery, as thousands of
us are doing and think they are performing
a great act of moral heroism, while at the
same time, they are only riveting tighter the
chains upon the limbs of the slave, and forge-
ing others for their own. To stay here and
oppose a people who hold a power over us
that demands us to be shot down and mur-
dered as a beast of prey, is madness in the
extreme. To stay here and pay taxes for
the support of the enslavement of our own
brethren, is neither a moral courage nor moral
wisdom, but a lack of both. To stay here
and leave our posterity to mingle in the hor-
rible condition to which we are not subject-
ed, is in direct violation of "Scripture" testi-
mony, that "the good man leaves an inher-
itance to his children." If this be true, what
will our children inherit by our staying here,
but the same self-destroying condition which
we, their fathers, are so loathed to leave un-
der a foolish pretex of "moral courage" and
a "love of country."
But, say they, "emigration serves to em-
bolden our oppressors to renewed efforts, to
pass those hellish black laws throughout the
free States." These laws are the legitimate
effect growing out of American Slavery, and
always will beget its like. Let anyone trace
effects to their proper causes, and then, and
not until then, will they see the cause of
those "hellish black laws." These laws can
be as easily enacted without our emigration
as with it. What power have we to prevent
the passage of such laws? If oppressive
laws are enacted with any reference to us, it
is in our endeavoring to stay here, and not in
our emigrating. But if it be said that "our
oppressors will see a dissatisfaction in us,
growing our of the spirit of emigration," we
humbly ask, when and where, may not a
dissatisfaction be seen, even since the first
Dutch ship made its way up the James river,
with its living cargo of human flesh, destined
for colonial slavery? From that period to
the present time, a "dissatisfaction" on our
part has been seen, and will continue to be
seen.
Nowhere in the history of nations, where
slavery has existed, can there be seen a satis-
faction on the part of the enslaved. Satis-
faction on the part of the governed, is the effect
produced by just rule and authority, and
has no more to do with slavery, than light
with darkness. But "dissatisfaction," an-
archy, and discord, are the legitimate effects
growing out of the system of slavery; and
for us to look for anything but "dissatisfica-
tion," while we remain here, is to look for
an effect without a cause, which is a moral
impossibility. We are "dissatisfied," and we
wish (not only our oppressors) but the whole
world to know it, and nothing but universal
liberty and equality will satisfy us. And it
is strange, indeed, that men claiming to be
thoughtful and intelligent, should cry peace,
while our bretheren are shot down in our
midst for no other crime than refusing to
live in slavery. Such is a brief view of the
subject, upon which volumes should be writ-
ten, instead of a column.
JOHNSON WOODLIN.